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Katalog der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek

The book ‘Party Systems and Cleavage Structures in Southern Africa : Determinants of Party Success and Failure in Botswana, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa and Zambia’ ist also available in germany at the Katalog der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek.

Zusammenfassung
Seit 1990 konnten sich Gesellschaften im südlichen Afrika unter demokratischen Bedingungen entwickeln. In freien und regelmäßigen Wahlen haben sich Parteien etabliert oder sind temporär in Erscheinung getreten. Westliche Demokratietheorien gehen von einer Wechselwirkung zwischen Wahlsystem und Parteiensystem aus. Dabei ist für die gleichmäßige Repräsentanz der Gesellschaft im Parlament ein geeigetes Wahlsystem zu etablieren. In homogen strukturierten Gesellschaft ist die Mehrheitswahl ein geeignetes Instrument, in heterogen strukturierten Gesellschaften die Verhältniswahl. Weiterhin gilt in westlichen Demokratietheorien, dass Parteien als Transmissionsriemen gesellschaftlicher Interessen im Parlament agieren. Für die Wechselwirkung von Gesellschaft und Parteien innerhalb des Wahlsystems sind die Gesellschaftsstrukturen der Länder im südlichen Afrika systematisch zu untersuchen und der Erfolg und Misserfolg von politischen Parteien unter Berücksichtigung der Wahlprogramme zu messen. Es wird reflektiert, inwieweit westliche Demokratietheorien für die Region Anwendung finden können. Im Fokus der Arbeit stehen die sechs Polyarchien Botswana, Malawi, Mosambik, Namibia, Sambia und Südafrika. Es sind Länder mit großen Bevölkerungen und Mehrparteiensystemen. Die Länderauswahl lässt sich zu gleichen Teilen nach den Wahlsystemen Mehrheitswahl und Verhältniswahl gruppieren. Die Ergebnisse der Parlamentswahlen in den Ländern seit etwa 1990, scheinen die Erwartungen der Demokratietheorien nicht zu erfüllen. Ganz im Gegenteil, die Theorien sind für diesen Zeitraum konträr zu den Erfahrungen westlicher Demokratien seit dem Zweiten Weltkrieg. In Ländern mit dem System der Verhältniswahl entstehen seit 1990 weder Koalitionsregierungen noch gibt es wechselnde Regierungsparteien (Namibia, Mosambik, Südafrika). In Ländern mit dem Mehrheitswahlrecht wurden entweder Koalitionen zur Regierungsbildung formiert oder eine Partei ist unangefochten über Jahrzehnte hinweg alleinige Regierungspartei (Botswana, Malawi,
Sambia). Die Ausarbeitungen werden zeigen, dass sich die bisherigen Wahlergebnisse mit den Gesellschaftsstrukturen begründen lassen und sich Veränderungen in der politischen Repräsentation durch Veränderungen in den Gesellschaftsstrukturen einstellen. Es werden Indikatoren in den Gesellschaften herausgearbeitet, die die theoretischen Erwartungen an demokratische Gesellschaften zukünftig erfüllen lassen. Den Mittelpunkt der Arbeit bilden daher die beiden Akteure – Wähler und politische
Parteien – in den Ländern im südlichen Afrika. Es wird die Frage nach der vorhandenen Wählerstruktur, der innergesellschaftlichen Konfliktlinien und ihrer politischen Relevanz beantwortet. Demgegenüber stehen die politischen Parteien, ihre Ziele, die in Wahlprogrammen festgehalten werden, und ihre strategischen Positionen auf Politikfeldern in Relation zu den Wettbewerberparteien. Für jedes Land wird gezeigt, welche Teile der Bevölkerung in den Parteien repräsentiert sind, und welche Partei mit der Besetzung einer bestimmten Politik ihre Wähler erreicht. In Teil I der Arbeit wird der theoretische Rahmen für die Gesellschaftsanalyse und
Parteienanalyse festgelegt, der für die sechs Länderstudien in Teil II Anwendung findet. Die Gesellschaften werden nach acht Merkmalen potentieller Konfliktlinien untersucht und deren Ausprägung sowie deren politische Relevanz festgestellt (Cleavage Analyse). Die Konfliktlinien beziehen sich auf das Siedlungsgebiet, das Arbeitsverhältnis, die Einkommensverteilung, die Religionszugehörigkeit, die ethnische Herkunft (Rasse), die Sprachherkunft, den Bildungsgrad und die Staatszugehörigkeit
bzw. den Ausländeranteil. Im Rahmen des Wahlsystems vertreten politische Parteien die gesellschaftlichen Interessengruppen. Ihre Ziele werden als Inhalte von Wahlprogrammen festgehalten. Die Wahlprogramme der Parteien eines Landes können mittels Wordscores in den sieben Politikfeldern Außenpolitik, Freiheit und Demokratie, Politisches System, Wirtschaft, Wohlstand und Lebensqualität, Gesellschaftsstruktur und Soziales miteinander verglichen werden. Jedes Politikfeld (policy domain) ist mit zwei
gegensätzlichen Definitionen beschrieben, die zur aggregierenden Links–Rechts-Kategorisierung der Parteien verwendet werden. Die Ergebnisse werden die relativen Beziehungsschemata der politischen Parteien seit 1990 für das jeweilige Land zeigen. Für die Region werden in der komparativen Studie (Teil III) die parteipolitischen Kategorien Links, Rechts und Liberal im Kontext des südlichen Afrika definiert.
Das Ergebnis der Gesellschaftsanalyse in den Ländern mit Mehrheitswahlsystem zeigt eine ’homogene strukturierte’ Gesellschaft. Im einzelnen zeigt sich in Botswana eine homogene Gesellschaft mit einer dominanten Partei (BDP). In Botswana mehren sich die Anzeichen für steigenden Parteienwettbewerb, so dass ein Regierungswechsel wahrscheinlicher wird. Die Gesellschaft in Malawi zeigt sich homogen strukturiert und bringt wechselnde Regierungsparteien hervor. Die für Mehrheitswahlsysteme untypischen Koalitionen sind die Konsequenz einer Periode des regionalen Wahlverhaltens in Malawi. Die Ergebnisse der Länderstudie Malawi zeigen einen Übergang zum einerseits lokal und andererseits national motivierten Wahlverhalten von Bevölkerungsanteilen mit dem Resultat einer Einparteiregierung (DPP). Die Wahlergebnisse in Sambia beruhen auf einer homogenen Gesellschaft, die theoriekonform wechselnde Regierungsparteien hervorbringt. Es zeigt sich weiterhin, dass die führenden Parteien mit ähnlichen politischen Inhalten
Wahlkampf betreiben (PF und MMD). Das Ergebnis der Gesellschaftsanalyse in den Ländern mit Verhältniswahl reicht von homogen bis heterogen fragmentiert. Mosambik ist eine homogen geprägte Gesellschaft mit einer dominanten Partei (FRELIMO). DieWahlergebnisse in Mosambik zeigen, dass die Dominanz der Partei unabhängig vomWahlsystem ist. Seit der letzten Wahl entfaltet sich ein bislang schwach ausgeprägter Ansatz für Parteienwettbewerb, der sich gesellschaftlich in den urbanen Gebieten bereits seit längerer Zeit formiert (MDM). Die Gesellschaft in Namibia stellt sich im Durchschnitt heterogen dar und bietet damit verschiedene Aspekte für Parteienwettbewerb. Bislang ist eine Partei dominant (SWAPO) und der Wettbewerb findet vornehmlich unter den Oppositionsparteien statt. Die ’moderat fragmentierte’ Gesellschaft in Südafrika wird seit 1990 von einer Partei dominiert (ANC) und die Oppositionsparteien substituieren sich oder bilden Parteienlager. Zur Wahl 2009 ist eine neue Partei in Südafrika zur Wahl angetreten (COPE), die sich zuvor aus dem ANC herausgelöst hat, um eigenständig eine aufstrebende Gesellschaftsgruppe zu repräsentieren. Aus der Konfliktlinienanalyse geht hervor, dass sich seit 1990 einige wesentliche Linien in der Gesellschaft Südafrikas verschoben und Einfluss auf die Regierungspartei und das Parteiensystem genommen haben. Für Mosambik und für Namibia gilt, dass eine gesellschaftlich bedingte innerparteiliche Spaltung in der dominierenden Regierungspartei wie in Südafrika nicht ausgeschlossen werden kann, beziehungweise durch das Wahlsystem eher begünstigt wird. Zusätzlich zur Einzelbetrachtung der sechs Länder im südlichen Afrika steht diese Arbeit in der Tradition der vergleichenden Politikwissenschaft. Mithilfe der Methode QCA (Qualitative Comparative Analysis) wird der inhaltliche Kontext von linksorientierten, rechtsorientierten und liberalen Parteien im südlichen Afrika definiert. Während sich Links und Rechts direkt aus der aggregierten Betrachtung der Politikfelder ergeben, kristallisiert sich die Definition von Inhalten der liberalen Parteien durch eine Rückwärtsbetrachtung im QCA-Schema heraus. Gleichzeitig sind die Inhalte der Definitionen Faktoren für den Erfolg von Parteien im südlichen Afrika.
Links ist definiert mit der Forderung nach steigenden Steuern für öffentliche Investitionen, es fördert den Umweltschutz auch gegen Wirtschaftswachstum, es wahrt die verfassungsmäßigen Rechte des Einzelnen, es fördert die staatliche Dezentralisierung und Entscheidungsfindung, es fördert den Patriotismus, und es unterstützt Arbeitergruppen und unterprivilegierte Minderheiten.
Die Definition für Rechts beinhaltet die Förderung von Wirtschaftwachstum auch gegen den Schutz der Umwelt, die Partei stellt sich gegen die Dezentralisierung der staatlichen Verwaltung und Entscheidungsfindung, und ist für die Förderung von Patriotismus in der Gesellschaft. Die Positionierung einer rechtsorientierten Partei hinsichtlich Wirtschaft, Freiheit und Demokratie sowie Soziales bewegt
sich daher auf dem gesamten Spektrum und ist für eine rechtsorientierte Partei nicht eindeutig notwendig.
Liberale Parteien im südlichen Afrika stehen für die Reduktion öffentlicher Ausgaben, um Steuern zu reduzieren, sie fördern das Wirtschaftswachstum auch gegen den Umweltschutz, und treten für die Freiheit des Einzelnen, die Bürgerrechte und für die verfassungsmäßigen Rechte ein, sie unterstützen die Dezentralisierung der staatlichen Verwaltung und Entscheidungsfindung, und sie unterstützen die Mittelschicht und privilegierte Klientele in der Gesellschaft. Hinsichtlich der Unterstützung einer bestimmten Gesellschaftstruktur sind sie nicht eindeutig einer Ausprägung zuzuordnen.
Der regionale Vergleich zeigt die Kriterien für den Erfolg und den Misserfolg von Parteien im südlichen Afrika. Parteien mit rechtsorientierten Inhalten sind vornehmlich unter den Regierungsparteien zu finden und Parteien mit politisch linksorientierten
oder liberalen Inhalten zählen vornehmlich zu den Oppositionsparteien. Abschließend lässt sich feststellen, dass die Wähler und Parteien in Wahlsystemen agieren, die ihre derzeitigen Interessen gleichmäßig repräsentieren lassen, sei es im Mehrheitswahlsystem oder im Verhältniswahlsystem. Die Dominanz einer Partei lässt sich auf die Gesellschaftsstrukturen im Land zurückführen und begründet sich in der Regel auf wenige politisch relevante Konfliktlinien. Die identifizierten gesellschaftlichen Entwicklungsansätze in den Ländern mit derzeit einer dominierenden Partei, können zu weiterem Parteienwettbewerb beitragen und somit die westlichen Demokratietheorien für das südliche Afrika ebenso erfüllen, wie die Länder mit alternierenden Regierungsparteien. Das erarbeitete Links–Rechts-Schema zeigt auf, in welchen Politikfeldern sich Parteien erfolgreich positionieren können, um ihre Interessengruppen möglichst weitreichend zu repräsentieren.

August 20, 2014 at 11:53 Leave a comment

Library University of Namibia in Windhoek

Please find the full version of the book ‘Party systems and cleavage structures in southern Africa : determinants of party success and failure in Botswana, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa and Zambia’ at the Library of the University of Namibia in Windhoek.

The case of Namibia starts at page 105:

5 Namibia
5.1 Introduction
The independence of Namibia is the result of negotiations for the ending of the Angolan War in 1989 between Angola and Cuba on the one hand and South Africa’s mandate of administration on the other hand (Kadima and Pottie 2002). The settlers’ oligarchy, which was established in the 1960s and 1970s by South Africa (Bratton and van de Walle 1997, 77) became a multi-party polyarchy or at least limited polyarchy with a multi-party system (Temelli 1999, 270). In independent Namibia, voting by PR prevails.
In Namibia government coalitions for ethnic reasons can be founded due to the ‘high’ ethnic cleavages, structured with a distinct dominance of one ethnic group which is far from absolute majority (Temelli 1999, 124–125). Temelli (1999, 153–154) sees ‘no religious’ cleavages in the country due to the dominance of Christian faith with over 90%. In terms of the macro socio-economic structure Temelli (1999, 207) implies for Namibia’s democratic development negative impacts of the global economic development. The Election Observation Mission (EOM) report (1999, 7) for Namibia summarises the socio-economic and political situation as follows: With a land area of 319,000 square miles and a population estimated at 1,695,000 (1997), Namibia is one of the world most sparsely populated countries. More than half of the population lives in the Ovamboland region, located in northern Namibia, bordering Angola. Approximately 158,500 (1997) people live in the capital city ofWindhoek. The Ovambo are the most prevalent ethnic group in Namibia, comprising just over half of the total population. The remaining population includes: Baster, Damara, English, Germans, Herero, Khoi, Kavango, Losi, Nama, Portuguese, San, and Tswana. The country is predominantly Christian. While English is the sole official language, Afrikaans remains the most commonly understood language. After a prolonged independence struggle against South African apartheid rule, Namibia gained independence on 21 March 1990. Following the competitive pre-independence elections to the Constituent Assembly in 1989 and the adoption of a particularly liberal constitution in 1990, Namibia’s multiparty democracy has continued to be nurtured. The country generally enjoys political and social stability as a multi-party democracy. Since 1989, the first multi-party elections, two political parties have dominated the spectrum (EOM report 1999). The predominant SWAPO calls itself Party of Namibia, and has governed the country since 1989 with an absolute majority, in
contradiction to the theory of the consequences of a PR voting system. The Democratic Turnhalle Alliance (DTA) is ‘a Coalition of Parties that has participated in governance under the South African Administration’ (EOM report 1999) and is the
main opposition party. A number of political movements register for the elections and receive a small proportion of votes and seats in the national assembly without any opportunity of having a significant impact. While Elischer (2010) concludes for the first free and democratic election in 1989, that ‘[m]ost manifestos demonstrate little concern with programmatic ideas’, Boer
(2004) describes the ‘differences of the political party platforms’ according to the scheme, drawn from the MRG. He includes External relations with the subjects of foreign affairs, decolonialisation and peace. For the domain Freedom and democracy, he challenges the party manifestos regarding the statements for freedom and domestic human rights, democracy and constitutionalism. The aspect of government includes decentralisation, efficiency and government corruption as well as government effectiveness and authority with reference to good governance. The domain Economy consists of analyses for economic policy and growth, tax policies and public spending, including investment and unemployment. Boer further subsumes poverty reduction efforts, privatisation and minimum wages to Economy. The fifth domain isWelfare and quality of life with environmental protection, provision of housing, health and education in the country. The Fabric of society reflects crime and the rule of law. The final domain in Boer’s survey is Social groups,
including labour relations, land reform and redistribution, support of minorities, the role of women and pensioners. The survey included political manifestos, public statements and letters of several smaller and the two major political parties in Namibia until 2004, and finally concludes, looking at the manifestos of the parties (especially the three largest, namely the COD [Congress of Democrats], DTA and the SWAPO Party). Interesting policy proposals that set the parties apart, however, the ‘similarities are overwhelmingly greater than the differences’ (Boer 2004, 18). ‘Given the similarities in ideological and social policy issues, voters use other aspects to differentiate between parties and decide which party to vote for: such as ethnicity, liberation struggle credentials and individual personalities’ (Lebeau and Dima 2005, 23). The EOM report for Namibia (1999), Boer (2004) as well as Lebeau and Dima
(2005) give comprehensive descriptions of the different parties. ‘The party [SWAPO] has broad support throughout the country.’ […] ‘[i]ts roots [date] back to 2 August 1957 when a group of contract labourers and students formed the Ovamboland People’s
Congress (OPC), a party focused on the plight of Ovambo contract labourers […] During the liberation struggle SWAPO identified itself as a socialist party [and] changed almost overnight into a moderate, social-democratic pro-capitalist party’, according to Boer (2004) who refers to Dobell (1998). ‘The DTA became a unified political party on 2 December 1991. However, its roots can be traced back to 5 November 1977 when the DTA was formed as an alliance (rather than a party) between like-minded political parties with the ing NUDO [National Unity Democratic Organisation] and the RP [Republican Party of Namibia], had walked out of the Turnhalle Constitutional Conference together when the NP [National Party] insisted that certain racist apartheid legislation should be maintained in a proposed new constitution. […] The DTA has been the official opposition since independence, but it has constantly and dramatically lost voter support during the years’ (Broer 2004). ‘The [DTA] was launched in the wake of the Turnhalle Conference as a multi-racial Coalition of African, European, and Coloured groups. The Coalition was transformed into an integrated political party
in 1991’ (EOM 1999). The RP broke away from the alliance , under the force of ‘mostly whites’, in 2003, and now operates independently (Lebeau and Dima 2005). The youngest party, CoD, ‘the Congress of Democrats is a new party created during 1999. Initially former SWAPO members comprised 37% of the membership and 32% were first time members of a political organisation’ (EOM 1999). ‘The CoD differs from the SWAPO Party, the party it broke away from, in that it desires to have a smaller government, fewer parastatals, more power for the Regions, and a greater role for traditional and religious leaders’ (Boer 2004). ‘MAG [Monitor Action Group] was formed in 1991 by members of the Aksie Christelik Nasionaal (literally, ‘Action Christian National’) alliance, who wanted to concentrate on shaping opinions rather than on conflict politics. MAG, which is historically linked to the Namibian counterpart of South Africa’s National Party (NP), [holds] beliefs [which] are the most fundamentally different from all others, starting with the fact that it does not recognise the (secular) Constitution of the Republic of Namibia’ (Boer 2004) and is a religion-based (mainly Christian) party (Lebeau and Dima 2005). The ‘NUDO considered instituting a government of national unity’ and is ‘representing Herero interests’, the ‘MAG had no interest in forming a government, and ‘the SWAPO Party […] wins in the Oshiwambo-speaking northern regions and […] influence in the Kavango and Caprivi regions [due to ethnic voting patterns]’ (Lebeau and Dima 2005, 22; Simon 1995). Simon (1995, 108) comments on the number of small parties that register for elections: ‘The large number of parties in a population of only 977,742 registered voters is high. One possible explanation for so many political parties is the desire of individuals for power. In addition, the ethnic base of most parties promotes a tendency among parties to view the country’s leadership as being under the control of a particular ethnic group – this factor can negate democratic growth.’ The following section will show a heterogeneous society with several aspects in which the fragmented party system can be motivated. But the reason for the overwhelming SWAPO success, and seemingly the most political factor, is the income level as the analyses will show.  hope of establishing an internal government. The 11 founding parties, including NUDO [National Unity Democratic Organisation] and the RP [Republican Party of Namibia], had walked out of the Turnhalle Constitutional Conference together when the NP [National Party] insisted that certain racist apartheid legislation should be maintained in a proposed new constitution. […] The DTA has been the
official opposition since independence, but it has constantly and dramatically lost voter support during the years’ (Broer 2004). ‘The [DTA] was launched in the wake of the Turnhalle Conference as a multi-racial Coalition of African, European, and Coloured groups. The Coalition was transformed into an integrated political party in 1991’ (EOM 1999). The RP broke away from the alliance , under the force of ‘mostly whites’, in 2003, and now operates independently (Lebeau and Dima 2005). The youngest party, CoD, ‘the Congress of Democrats is a new party created during 1999. Initially former SWAPO members comprised 37% of the membership
and 32% were first time members of a political organisation’ (EOM 1999). ‘The CoD differs from the SWAPO Party, the party it broke away from, in that it desires to have a smaller government, fewer parastatals, more power for the Regions, and a greater role for traditional and religious leaders’ (Boer 2004). ‘MAG [Monitor Action Group] was formed in 1991 by members of the Aksie
Christelik Nasionaal (literally, ‘Action Christian National’) alliance, who wanted to concentrate on shaping opinions rather than on conflict politics. MAG, which is historically linked to the Namibian counterpart of South Africa’s National Party (NP), [holds] beliefs [which] are the most fundamentally different from all others, starting with the fact that it does not recognise the (secular) Constitution of the Republic of Namibia’ (Boer 2004) and is a religion-based (mainly Christian) party (Lebeau and Dima 2005).
The ‘NUDO considered instituting a government of national unity’ and is ‘representing Herero interests’, the ‘MAG had no interest in forming a government, and ‘the SWAPO Party […] wins in the Oshiwambo-speaking northern regions and […] influence in the Kavango and Caprivi regions [due to ethnic voting patterns]’ (Lebeau and Dima 2005, 22; Simon 1995). Simon (1995, 108) comments on the number of small parties that register for elections: ‘The large number of parties in a population of only 977,742 registered voters is high. One possible explanation for so many political parties is the desire of individuals for power. In addition, the ethnic base of most parties promotes a tendency among parties to view the country’s leadership as being under the control of a particular ethnic group – this factor can negate democratic growth.’ The following section will show a heterogeneous society with several aspects in which the fragmented party system can be motivated. But the reason for the overwhelming SWAPO success, and seemingly the most political factor, is the income level as the analyses will show.

August 10, 2014 at 11:43 Leave a comment

Abstract of the book ‘Party Systems and Cleavage Structures in Southern Africa. Determinants of Party Succuss and Failure in Botswana, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa and Zambia’

Hard Cover Book: http://www.amazon.de/Systems-Cleavage-Structures-Southern-Africa

Kindle Version: http://www.amazon.co.uk/Systems-Cleavage-Structures-Southern-Africa-ebook

Read the Abstract of the book ‘Party Systems and Cleavage Structures in Southern Africa. Determinants of Party Succuss and Failure in Botswana, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa and Zambia’ linked to Amazon above.

Since 1990, societies in sub-Saharan Africa have been able to develop under democratic conditions. In free and regular elections, parties have established themselves or have temporarily made an appearance. Western democracy theories assume interdependence between electoral and party systems. For the balanced representation of the society in parliament it is necessary to establish an appropriate electoral system. The theories on western democracies suggest a voting system of majority vote (FPTP) as an appropriate instrument for homogeneous social structures and
proportional representation (PR) for heterogeneous structured societies. According to the theories, political parties act as a transmission of societal interests in parliament. For the interaction of society and political parties within the electoral system, it is necessary to systematically investigate the social structures of sub-Saharan African countries (cleavage analysis) and measure the success or failure of political parties against the backdrop of the election programmes (manifesto research). It reflects the extent to which western theories of democracy for the region
may apply. The focus of this research is the six polyarchies of Botswana, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, Zambia and South Africa. These are countries with large societies and multi-party systems. The countries can be grouped into equal parts according to the majoritarian voting system and the voting system of proportional representation. The results of the national parliamentary elections in these countries since 1990 seems not meet to achieve the expectations of western theories. On the contrary, the reality in the countries contradicts the theories. In countries with the voting
system of proportional representation (Namibia, Mozambique, South Africa), neither coalition governments nor alternative government parties have ruled since 1990. In countries with a majoritarian voting system (Botswana, Malawi, Zambia), either coalitions have formed a government, or one party has remained unchallenged for decades. The research results show that the previous electoral outcomes are the reflection of the cleavage structure, and there are indicators in the societies examined that can meet the theoretical expectations of democratic societies in the
future. Therefore, the key aspects of this study are both actors – the voters and the political parties – in the countries of Southern Africa. The cleavage structure of each society will be examined, their extent and their political relevance. The political parties, their political goals, presented in manifestos, and the strategic positions in policy domains show the relation to other parties. Both actors in each country compared show which part of the society is represented by a political party. Furthermore will be shown, which party policy is favoured by the voters.

In part I of the study, the theoretical framework for the cleavage analysis and party analysis is established, which applies for the six country case studies of part II. The societies are examined in terms of eight cleavages, their extension and their political relevance. The cleavages are related to the settlement area, the occupation, the income distribution, the religion, the ethnicity (race), the language heritage, the educational level and citizenship (the proportion of foreigners).
In the context of the electoral system, political parties represent the social interest. Their goals are recorded as contents of the manifesto. The manifestos of parties can be used for Wordscores to compare the political parties on the policy domains Freedom and democracy, Political system, Economy, Welfare and quality of life, Fabric of Society and Social Groups. Each policy domain is described by two contrasting definitions, which are used for aggregating Left-Right categorisation of the parties. The results for each country show the relation schemes of the political
parties since 1990. The regional results in the comparative study (part III) define the categories Left, Right and Liberal of political parties in the context of Southern Africa.
The results of the cleavage analyses in the countries with majority voting system show a homogeneously fragmented society. In detail, a homogeneous society with a dominant party (BDP) is evident in Botswana, where there are signs of increasing party competition, indicating that a change of government is more likely in the future. Malawi shows a homogeneous social structure and produces alternating ruling parties. The atypical coalitions for majoritarian voting system are consequences of a period of regional voting behaviour in Malawi. The country study shows a transition, on the one hand, to locally and on the other hand, to nationally motivated voting behaviour with the result of a one-party rule (DPP). The election outcome in Zambia is based on a homogeneous society that brings theory compliant
changing governments. It is shown further that the leading parties in Zambia campaign with similar political content (PF and MMD).

The results of the cleavage analyses in the countries with proportional representation range from homogeneous to heterogeneous fragmented. Mozambique is a homogeneous society that has been ruled by a dominant party (FRELIMO) since 1990. The electoral outcomes in Mozambique show that the dominance of the party is independent of the electoral system. Since the last election, an emergent and as yet fragile approach to increasing party competition, which has existed in urban areas for a longer time, is now represented within the MDM. Namibia represents a heterogeneous social structure and thus offers various aspects of party competition. So far, one party has been dominant (SWAPO) and the competition has taken place primarily among the opposition parties. The moderately structured society
in South Africa has been dominated since 1990 by one party (ANC), and the opposition parties to substitute or make a party political camp. For the 2009 election, a new party emerged (COPE), which broke away from the ANC to independently represent an emerging social group. The cleavage analyses show that some major aspects in the South African society have shifted since 1990, and have affected changes in the ruling party and in the party system. With reference to Mozambique and Namibia, this scenario of a socially conditioned intra-party eruption cannot be
precluded, since its success is supported by the voting system of proportional representation.

In addition to the separate consideration of the six countries in Southern Africa, this work follows the tradition of comparative political science. The qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) is used to define the content of the left-wing, rightwing and liberal political parties in the context of Southern Africa. While Left and Right arise directly from the aggregate consideration of policy domains, the definition of the content of Liberal parties crystallises from a reverse analysis in the QCA-scheme. At the same time, the contents of the definitions are factors in the success of parties in Southern Africa. The definition of a Left party is that it promotes the raising of taxes to increase public services, the protection of the environment, even at the cost of economic growth. It favours personal freedom, civil rights and promotes the constitution in general, the decentralisation of administration and decision-making, favours patriotism
or nationalism and suspension of some freedom in order to protect the state, and favours references to labour groups and underprivileged minorities. The definition of Right that the party is to support economic growth, even at
the cost of damage to the environment, opposing decentralisation of administration and decision-making, favouring of patriotism or nationalism and the suspension of some freedoms in order to protect the state. Regarding Economy, Freedom and democracy and Social groups a right-wing party has no distinct positioning. The definition of Liberal is that political party promotes cutting public services to cut taxes, supports economic growth, even at the cost of damage to the environment, it favours personal freedom, civil rights and promotes the constitution in general, and promotes decentralisation of administration and decision-making, supports middle class, professional groups and favours privileged clientele. Regarding Fabric of society, a liberal party has no distinct positioning. The regional comparison shows the criteria for success and failure of political parties in the region. Parties with right-wing content are found mainly among the government parties, and parties with politically left-wing or liberal content are mainly
opposition parties.

In conclusion, the societies and the political parties act in electoral systems that can represent their current interests equally, whether in the majority or in the electoral system of proportional representation. The dominance of one party can be traced back to the cleavages in the country and is based usually on a few politically relevant cleavages. The identified approaches for social development in countries with a dominant party can contribute to further party competition and thus fulfil the western theories in Southern Africa in the same way as countries with alternating governmental parties do. The acquired Left-Right scheme shows, in which policy domain political parties are best positioned to represent their interests as far reaching and successful.

May 18, 2014 at 18:10 Leave a comment


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This blog is about countries of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) regarding societies, political parties and policies. Most interest will be spent on the countries: Botswana, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa and Zambia.

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