Posts tagged ‘1994’

SWAPO 1994 Manifesto Namibia

Please click SWAPO 1994 Manifesto Namibia to open the full version of the manifesto as pdf-file.


Better Opportunities for all Namibians


SWAPO, Windhoek, 1994

Published by SWAPO National Election Committee PO Box 1071 Goerhe Street, Windhoek Telephone: (061) 238364

Message from President Sam Nujoma

The past four and a half years of SWAPO governance has earned SWAPO the trust of Namibians in running the affairs of the country.
It earned this trust by caring about how people want their government to function, and by ensuring that the government has the same priorities as those of the people of Namibia.
During the first term of its office, the SWAPO government restructured the civil service to meet the challenges posed by the needs of independent Namibia, ensured peace and stability in the country, promoted equity by levelling the playing field by providing equal access to opportunity to all Namibians, made education and health care available to an increasing number of citizens, and opened up venues in the market economy for Namibians working in the communal areas.
Today, even the poorest Namibians have a real chance of owning their own homes through the Build Together programme, and an increasing number of people have access to potable water and electricity.
In the next five years, we hope to build on the achievements of the first term.
Our priorities will continue to be education, health, housing, employment creation, and, above all, promotion of equity in all aspects including access to land.
As in the past, we hope to keep on working for the fulfilment of the dreams of all Namibians.
Namibians deserve this chance.
I therefore urge you to read the SWAPO Manifesto because we believe that an informed voter is the strength of our party.
SWAPO has an outstanding team to give concrete shape to all the plans outlined in the Manifesto.
This team is fully qualified to continue to build a new Namibia for all Namibians.

President Sam Nujoma
SWAPO’s Plan of Action

Table of Contents … Page

1 Strengthening Democracy … 5
2 Governing with Accountability and Integrity … 19
3 Strengthening our Society … 12
Equality … 12
Affirmative Action … 13
Health Care … 13
Better health for our children … 14
Better health for women … 14
Countering AIDS … 15
Better Education … 15
Primary Education … 15
Secondary Education … 16
Tertiary Education … 16
Literacy … 16
Safety in our Homes and on our Streets … 16
Job Creation … 18
Training … 18

Promotion of Agro-industries … 19
Promotion of Small Business … 19
Tax Incentives and Other Government Support for Job Creation … 19
Building Namibia’s Manufacturing Base … 19
Expanding Tourism … 19
Promoting Building Industry … 19
Promoting Public Works Programmes … 20
Community Based Projects … 20

Promoting Namibia’s Cultural identity … 20
Housing, Electricity, and Water … 21
Housing … 21
Provision of Water … 21
Provision of Electricity … 22
The Land Question … 22
International Relations … 23
National Security … 24

4 Strengthening our Economy … 26 1

Economic Independence … 26
Economic Growth … 27
Economic Justice … 27
SWAPO’s Economic Achievements … 28
Future Economic Challenges … 28
SWAPO’s Economic Strategy … 29
Strengthening economic growth performance … 29
Promoting Rural and Regional Development … 32

5 Strengthening our Productive Sectors … 34
Agriculture … 34
Mining and Energy … 35
Fisheries … 36
Tourism … 39
Manufacturing and Services … 40

6 Strengthening Fiscal Discipline … 43
Finance Policy … 44

7 Strengthening our Human Resources … 46

November 2, 2012 at 22:48 Leave a comment

DTA 1994 Manifesto Namibia

Please click DTA 1994 Manifesto Namibia to open the document as pdf-file.

DTA of Namibia Election Manifesto 1994 (from the Original document)



The DTA of Namibia remains unconditionally committed to the letter and spirit of the Constitution of the Republic of Namibia.
The party will do everything in its power to ensure that this Constitution continues to be honoured and applied as a whole.
The DTA sets only such goals as it knows are achievable in the fulfilment of the party’s undertaking to the voters.
The DTA is committed to the ideal of national reconciliation and nation building, but has an open mind towards the sentiments of people and groups.
The DTA strongly discourages the formation of political groupings based on race, ethic origin or language.
It will prevent the government at all levels from creating ethnic domination and intolerance.
The DTA believes that good and honourable government is essential for economic development through local and foreign investment and to prevent the loss of human and other resources.
The DTA is determined to represent and serve the people of Namibia in their struggle to fulfil their Human Rights and to improve the quality of life and the living standards of the people in general.

Now therefore:
– The DTA OF NAMIBIA believes that Rule of Law is the foundation of democratic society.
Therefore the laws of Namibia and the authorities that uphold them must be respected, upheld and strengthened by all means available.
The DTA believes that every citizen of Namibia has the right to equal treatment and a fair hearing before the law, irrespective of sex, race, colour, ethnic origin, creed or social and economic status.
The DTA will strictly support these principles.
Law enforcement authorities such as the Ombudsman, the courts of law, the police force, etc. will be empowered so as to increase their effectiveness.
– The DTA OF NAMIBIA conforms that every citizen has the right to receive protection under the law.
Every Namibia citizen has the right to lead a life free from fear and intimidation.
This right has, however, constantly been undermined by the current government.
Crime has escalated, causing the country major social and economic problems.
The need to restore Law and Order has therefore become a national issue.
The crime wave sweeping the nation can only be solved by means of a strong and efficient lower court system can adequately deal with the surge of crime being experienced.
The DTA will empower and strengthen the lower court system and all the institutions which are meant to fight crime.
– The DTA OF NAMIBIA believes that efficient management of the national resources is essential to economic growth and the achievement of sustainable human development.
The party believes that the best way to reduce poverty and unemployment is through economic development.
Poverty and unemployment has become the scourge of Namibia.
Poverty has been increased as a result of poor management by the current government.
The DTA will, however, do everything in its power to reduce poverty nationwide on the basis of a comprehensive national policy.
Economic development, the creation and training, decentralisation of government functions, rural development and self-sufficiency, social security, and population growth control are among the many issues which will urgently be addressed by the DTA with the objective of narrowing the disparity between the rich and the poor.
– The DTA OF NAMIBIA is convinced that productive and constructive land reform is a key issue in the reduction of poverty, the strengthening of land-ownership by Namibians and national reconciliation.
Among the matters which must receive urgent attention are equal rights to land, related assistance for women, an improvement of the accessibility by small farmers to training, credit and markets; security of tenure, basic rights for farm-workers; the utilisation of state land for the purposes of land reform; sustained production capacity; and a Land Court, to name a few issues.
– The DTA OF NAMIBIA will make available financial resources for essential services by eliminating all wasteful expenditure by the State.
The DTA will insist on strict financial discipline at all levels of Government and review all budget allocations, and strengthen the Office of the Auditor General to make it even more independent.
For example, the number of ministries will be drastically decreased, and the number of permanent secretaries reduced accordingly.
The DTA will not subsidise government institutions such as “New Era” and “Nampa” which do not generate the income to sustain themselves.
The DTA will moreover privatise / commercialise all parastatal organisations, in particular those that rely on regular and massive subsidies by Namibia’s already over-burdened taxpayers.
We firmly believe that improved social security and a life of dignity for all senior citizens can be achieved by a re-allocation of funds.
– The DTA OF NAMIBIA is convinced that greater authority and responsibility is justly due to the REGIONS so as to make government more accessible to the people and to enrich political life by public participation at grass root level.
Namibia’s rural regions must be made more attractive through increased decentralisation.
The regions must be able to develop and maintain their infrastructure based on their own priorities and must become self-sustainable.
The right to raised revenue by way of rates, property taxes, levies and similar charges in accordance with national policy to supplement funds allocated by Central Government is the prime mechanism for strengthening the regions.
Without detracting from the powers of National Assembly, regions will be empowered to regulate and control such issues as regional welfare, markets, housing, traffic and town and regional planning, water supply and others, all within the framework of a comprehensive national policy.
– Care for all the people of Namibia through primary and affordable health care is the aim of the DTA OF NAMIBIA’S health and welfare policy.
All people of Namibia deserve to grow old with security and dignity.
The DTA will provide additional facilities for the aged, provide a liveable welfare pension to senior citizens and implement a system whereby pensions are paid out regularly at points which are easily accessible to the aged and inform.
The disabled will be given liberal support to develop their full potential.
– The DTA OF NAMIBIA believes that EDUCATION is the cornerstone of human development.
Education is an important facilitator of national reconciliation.
It should be a source of pride and inspiration to our emerging nation.
The DTA sees education as a partnership between parents and government as equals.
While that state should bring education to the children, by way of providing the necessary facilities, parents also ought to make a meaningful contribution.
The DTA will end the haphazard experiments carried out by the present government and will go out of its way to stabilise the education system and secure the provision of teachers, text books and educational material for all learners countrywide.
Moreover, the profession should be reinstated as a source of pride for teachers and officials.
The DTA places priority on a high standard of education and the relevance of subject content to meet the needs of the labour market.
We are convinced that improved teacher training standards and facilities at college and university level as well as appropriate salary scales will help to restore the authority and pride of teachers and headmasters and enhance the reintroduction of discipline at schools.
The DTA OF NAMIBIA furthermore pursues the principles of the Constitution of Namibia insofar as it provides for multi-culturalism within education and within supreme idea of nationhood.

Published by DTA of Namibia
Headquarters: 35 Garten Str. Windhoek 7 Tel: 061 – 238530

June 15, 2012 at 22:11 Leave a comment

BNF 1994 Manifesto Botswana

Please click on BNF 1994 Manifesto Botswana to download the full version of the manifesto as a pdf-file.

BOTSWANA NATIONAL FRONT (from the Original document)




by BNF President, Dr. Kenneth Koma

The 1994 Election is the seventh in Botswana since the first in 1965.

This election represents several years of experience for us as a nation and in the Botswana National Front (BNF). The election also signals the end of an era. This is an election that takes us as a nation, through the last five years of the 1990s decade which in fact, also marks the end of the 20th century. Since the mid-1960s Botswana has seen three decades of uninterrupted one party dominant rule of the Botswana Democratic Party. It is up to us as a nation to judge the achievements and failures of the present government but I wish to point out the following simply to help you take stock of things and make your decision on who to vote for, in a proper perspective. Three decades of post-colonialism in Africa have been turbulent and generally disastrous in terms of development, human rights, institutional development, economic growth and environmental protection. The resultant situation is growth in poverty, unemployment, the collapse of the agricultural sector, constant military intervention, ethnic strifes, growth in refugee populations and above all political bankruptcy and corruption of unparallel magnitude. The BDP government enjoying national and international goodwill, the cooperation of the opposition parties, international aid and unparalled economic I growth resultant from the richest diamonds pipeline in Africa, has been able to lay down the basic social and physical infrastructure in terms of roads, schools, clinics, water supply and telecommunications. I believe as a nation we all know and appreciate this. We would however, wish to point out that laying down infrastructure is, the world over, the very basic and simplest form of development. Many countries in the world including much poorer ones in Africa have managed to built schools, health facilities, universities, telecommunications and provided water and housing for much larger populations. One has only to mention Kenya, Tanzania, Ghana, Lesotho, Swaziland and even Namibia to show how these comparatively poorer nations have performed in the area of infrastructural development over the past three decades of independence. Today, in Botswana we have large numbers of doctors, university teachers, accountants, engineers, architects, quantity surveyors, etc., from Tanzania, Sudan, Ghana, and of course China. These countries are both relatively poorer and have to address problems 10 times, 20 times more than Botswana’s because of their enormous populations. In Botswana, how many citizen doctors, health inspectors, architects, engineers, etc., do we have after 30 years?

The Botswana Democratic Party has failed in three decades to take this country beyond infrastructural development hence:
1. Poverty remains deeply entrenched in our people’s daily existence. The number of households living under conditions of absolute poverty has increased from 45% in 1976 to 60% in 1989 (GOB / UNDP / UNICEF, 1993).
2. Unemployment has remained above 25% of the labour force since 1989. Among the youth unemployment ranges between 31 and 40%. For women it is estimate at 29% (CSO, 1992, UNICEF, 1993).
3. Agriculture has collapsed not largely because of drought but because of the lack of drought resistant policies and programmes. At present the government spent millions of Pula on drought relief in apparent attempt to help the people. But there is neither assurance to farmers, the unemployed, female headed households, the people in the most disadvantaged regions of the country that this assistant will continue or that government will come up with something better for the future.
4. Inflation remains very high and beyond control by government because of high economic dependence on imports of everything. Between 1989 and now the inflation rate ranged between 10% and 17.7% (CSO, 1993).
5. The rapid increase in corruption especially among people holding responsible positions resulting in the emulation of leaders by the ordinary people. Corruption, abuse of human rights and arrogance by BDP leadership have grown and many millions of Pula have been lost at BHC, NDB, BCB, BBS, BAMB and Government ministries and departments. While denying these the government has come up with the so-called “Economic Crime Act Corruption Law”. Why, since they deny that they are corrupt?
6. Remember that consultation has become a mockery under the BDP rule. Laws are prepared and passed in a rush without consultation with even their own backbenchers. Remember the following as examples: Incomes Policy (1990), Agricultural Policy (1991), Wildlife Policy (1993), Tribal Land Act Amendment (1993), Abortion Act (1993), Corruption Act (1994) and the Kanye situation where the chief was replaced with his son without first consulting the tribe.
7. This is the government which has taken benefits of over 50000 workers, dismissed them and reemployed some under condition that they leave trade unions and become permanent and pension able.
8. This is the government which refuses with impunity to sign international declarations on workers, children and women.
9. The ever widening gap between the rich and the poor so that the poor became poorer and the rich became richer. Thus dividing that nation into the haves and the have-nots, those who have and those who have not. Thus laying the foundation for permanent economic and political instability.
10. The rapid increased in juvenile delinquency with the effect that when a delinquent nation. Thus giving rise to vicious circle which threaten to engulf the whole nation.
11. The acute shortage of houses and the short-sighted view of the government of Botswana Democratic Party which considers the housing of the nation as a commodity to be enjoyed by the well to do who have the financial power to buy and sell.
12. The failure of the BDP government to computerise with the result that information and data required for planning the future, the collecting and compiling of data and information necessary for planning for the future is always available some two years behind with the consequence that there is no planning in the real sense. So that what is glorified as planning is no more than attempts to solve problems which require a scientific method approach by trial and error method.
13. The BDP has systematically cheated and ridged the elections all the time to the extend that the ruling BDP is habituated to undemocratic and illegal assumption of power and is consequently in-sensitive to the democratic demands of the people. This same government wants to be returned to power. They offer no new ideas about creating a truly democratic nation, creation of more jobs, providing markets for our hardworking entrepreneurs and better assistance to the needy and disabled.

The BNF has in the Manifesto a clear strategy to:
(a) Create more jobs
(b) Provide social welfare for the most needy
(c) Increased economic growth through diversification
(d) Promote small and medium level entrepreneurs and through regional
connection provide them markets;
(e) Train Batswana quickly and in a multiplicity of empowering skills;
(f) Create a truly democratic and free society of equals regardless of ethnicity, language, religion and race.
You have yet another chance as a voter to make Botswana of the 21st century a happy place to live in. The present trend contains a time bomb and social strife that as a small and young nation we cannot afford.
VOTE BNF! Vote for a better future.

November 30, 2011 at 21:57 Leave a comment

Malawi general elections – An overview

The following table includes two parts. The first part shows the outcomes of all parties of the national assembly by votes per party for each election since 1994. The second part shows the participation of the electorate for each national election since 1994. This part distinguishes between the total amount of adult people and all registered voters. Latter distinction is valid for the voter turnout.


Electoral outcome 
Votes by party / election 2009 2004 1999 1994
AFORD 0,52% 3,61% 10,56% 19,05%
DPP 58,85%
Independence 16,67% 24,23% 7,12%
MCP 14,06% 24,85% 33,80% 33,68%
UDF 8,85% 25,34% 47,30% 46,53%
Sum 99,47% 78,03%* 98,78% 99,26%
*21% were distributed to the parties: CONU, MGODE, NDA, PETRA, PPM and RP 
Adult people – 
Registered voters 5.930.949 5.745.455 5.059.736 3.800.000
Votes cast 2.946.103 3.161.587 4.492.157 2.957.153
Voter turnout all adult people
Voter turnout registered voters 49,67% 55,03% 88,78% 77,82%

Source: MEC, EISA.

June 16, 2009 at 17:11 Leave a comment

South Africa general elections – An overview

The following table includes two parts. The first part shows the outcomes of all parties of the national assembly by shares for each election since 1994. The second part shows the participation of the electorate for each national election since 1994. This part distinguishes between the total amount of people at the age over 18 years and all registered voters. Latter distinction is valid for the voter turnout.

Electoral outcome 
Share by party / election 2009 2004 1999 1994
ACDP 0,81% 1,60% 1,43% 0,45%
ANC 65,90% 69,69% 66,35% 62,65%
Cope 7,42%
DA 16,60% 12,37% 9,56% 1,73%
ID 0,92% 1,73%
IFP 4,55% 6,97% 8,58% 10,54%
NNP susp. 1,65% 6,87% 20,39%
UDM 0,85% 2,27% 3,42%
Sum 97,05% 96,28% 96,21% 95,76%
Adult people ca. 30Mio  27 to 30Mio ca. 27Mio
Registered voters 22.872.870 20.674.926 18.172.751 na
Votes cast 17.680.729 15.612.671 15.977.142 na
Voter turnout all people over 18 years 58,9% 54,8% 59,2% na
Voter turnout registered voters 77,3% 75,5% 87,9% 86,9%

Source: IEC, EISA and StatsSA.

May 2, 2009 at 11:16 Leave a comment

High participation pushes opposition

With respect to unexpected high voter participation (77.3 percent of registered people/ 59 percent of all people over 18 years) at South Africans elections, the IEC extended the opening of polling stations until the next day. On the April 22, the IEC announced the official results for the national level (as well as for the municipal level). The ANC lost share (-3.8 percent) and did not reach the two third by a hair’s breath, while the major opposition parties won.

The Cope turned out to be the most successful start up party since 1994 and is now the second major opposition party. The Cope challenge was to take over 20 percent of the ANC share, but the ANC only lost almost 4. What about the over 3 percent, which won Cope? Keeping in mind first that the Cope split off from the ANC and second the ANC is a left wing party, it seems visible that the Cope positioned rather on ANC’s right side, where all other parties are positioned as well. But, where exactly is the Cope positioned? On one side, the Cope is a young party, with a manifesto close to the ANC, founded by former ANC members. On the other side, opposition parties like ID, UDM, IFP and DA are positioned more distanced, because their ideology is more independent rooted. And the ideolgical distance between ANC and DA is most distinctive. The cluster of ID, UDM and IFP lost overall 6 percent. Following this, isn’t it possible, that the Cope is positioned exactly between these three parties (cluster) and the ANC? The Cope probably took over share from both sides, ANC and the party cluster. Additionally the mobilization of voters seems to be made by the Cope. Remember, the participation was unexpected high with 2 Mio. caste votes more than in 2004. The ANC benefits from high participation with 770.000 additional votes and the Cope total votes are 1.3 Mio.

The DA share increased by more than 4 percent and unifies additional 1 Mio. votes – compared with in 2004. The DA is a liberal party with mainly White and Indian voters (superficial said). This population makes a share of 12 percent of all inhabitants. Where did the DA fetch the other 4.5 percent? Obviously race does not play a role for the electorate, because 4.5 percent of blacks vote the DA (or rather more if it is allowed to break down 59 percent participation equal to the White and Indian population). There can be two reasons for that choice. The one reason can be the social engagement of the DA, which is a key issue in South Africa. Especially in terms of AIDS/HIV, where the ANC rather argues suspect (with beetroot, garlic and shower), while the DA campaigns aggressively in townships. And the other reason lies in an increasing share of economic successful people, who probably prefer liberal politics than socialist or even Marxist politics of the left wing party spectrum. These successful people could also have switched from the cluster parties to a party with a higher chance for alternative politics.

Summarizing the argumentation on party system above, the schema could look like following enumeration (from left to right): ANC – Cope – ID, UDM, and IFP – DA. Surprising for European experiences is that small parties benefit from high voter participation. Does South Africa up side down or on the way to materialize a party system without predominance as proportional representation usually generates?

April 26, 2009 at 15:49 Leave a comment

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This blog is about countries of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) regarding societies, political parties and policies. Most interest will be spent on the countries: Botswana, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa and Zambia.

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