Bring the South Africa elections 2014 results in line with the party system and cleavage structure of the country.

Do you want to bring the South Africa elections 2014 results in line with the party system and cleavage structure of the country?

Read the book (Hard Cover Book) http://www.amazon.de/Systems-Cleavage-Structures-Southern-Africa or (Kindle Version) http://www.amazon.co.uk/Systems-Cleavage-Structures-Southern-Africa-ebook and have a look on the blog roll (summarizing presentation) https://sadcblog.wordpress.com/2014/01/21 to find out more about the background of the South African political party system and cleavage structure.

The final results of the South African 2014 elections can be found on IEC South Africa and as one pager South Africa 2014.

June 1, 2014 at 18:22 Leave a comment

Zusammenfassung des Buchs: ‘Party Systems and Cleavage Structures in Southern Africa. Determinants of Party Succuss and Failure in Botswana, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa and Zambia’

Buch: http://www.amazon.de/Systems-Cleavage-Structures-Southern-Africa

Kindle Version: http://www.amazon.co.uk/Systems-Cleavage-Structures-Southern-Africa-ebook

Unten steht die Zusammenfassung des Buchs ‘Party Systems and Cleavage Structures in Southern Africa. Determinants of Party Succuss and Failure in Botswana, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa and Zambia’, das unter den oben angegebenen Links direkt bei Amazon bestellt werden kann.

Seit 1990 konnten sich Gesellschaften im südlichen Afrika unter demokratischen Bedingungen entwickeln. In freien und regelmäßigen Wahlen haben sich Parteien etabliert oder sind temporär in Erscheinung getreten. Westliche Demokratietheorien gehen von einer Wechselwirkung zwischen Wahlsystem und Parteiensystem aus. Dabei ist für die gleichmäßige Repräsentanz der Gesellschaft im Parlament ein geeigetes Wahlsystem zu etablieren. In homogen strukturierten Gesellschaft ist die Mehrheitswahl ein geeignetes Instrument, in heterogen strukturierten Gesellschaften

die Verhältniswahl. Weiterhin gilt in westlichen Demokratietheorien, dass Parteien als Transmissionsriemen gesellschaftlicher Interessen im Parlament agieren. Für die Wechselwirkung von Gesellschaft und Parteien innerhalb des Wahlsystems sind die Gesellschaftsstrukturen der Länder im südlichen Afrika systematisch zu untersuchen und der Erfolg und Misserfolg von politischen Parteien unter Berücksichtigung der Wahlprogramme zu messen. Es wird reflektiert, inwieweit westliche Demokratietheorien für die Region Anwendung finden können. Im Fokus der Arbeit stehen die sechs Polyarchien Botswana, Malawi, Mosambik, Namibia, Sambia und Südafrika. Es sind Länder mit großen Bevölkerungen und Mehrparteiensystemen. Die Länderauswahl lässt sich zu gleichen Teilen nach den Wahlsystemen Mehrheitswahl und Verhältniswahl gruppieren. Die Ergebnisse der Parlamentswahlen in den Ländern seit etwa 1990, scheinen die Erwartungen der Demokratietheorien nicht zu erfüllen. Ganz im Gegenteil, die Theorien sind für diesen Zeitraum konträr zu den Erfahrungen westlicher Demokratien seit dem Zweiten Weltkrieg. In Ländern mit dem System der Verhältniswahl entstehen seit 1990 weder Koalitionsregierungen noch gibt es wechselnde Regierungsparteien
(Namibia, Mosambik, Südafrika). In Ländern mit dem Mehrheitswahlrecht wurden entweder Koalitionen zur Regierungsbildung formiert oder eine Partei ist unangefochten über Jahrzehnte hinweg alleinige Regierungspartei (Botswana, Malawi, Sambia). Die Ausarbeitungen werden zeigen, dass sich die bisherigen Wahlergebnisse mit den Gesellschaftsstrukturen begründen lassen und sich Veränderungen in der politischen Repräsentation durch Veränderungen in den Gesellschaftsstrukturen einstellen. Es werden Indikatoren in den Gesellschaften herausgearbeitet, die die theoretischen Erwartungen an demokratische Gesellschaften zukünftig erfüllen lassen.
Den Mittelpunkt der Arbeit bilden daher die beiden Akteure – Wähler und politische Parteien – in den Ländern im südlichen Afrika. Es wird die Frage nach der vorhandenen Wählerstruktur, der innergesellschaftlichen Konfliktlinien und ihrer politischen Relevanz beantwortet. Demgegenüber stehen die politischen Parteien, ihre Ziele, die in Wahlprogrammen festgehalten werden, und ihre strategischen Positionen auf Politikfeldern in Relation zu den Wettbewerberparteien. Für jedes Land wird gezeigt, welche Teile der Bevölkerung in den Parteien repräsentiert sind,
und welche Partei mit der Besetzung einer bestimmten Politik ihre Wähler erreicht.

In Teil I der Arbeit wird der theoretische Rahmen für die Gesellschaftsanalyse und Parteienanalyse festgelegt, der für die sechs Länderstudien in Teil II Anwendung findet. Die Gesellschaften werden nach acht Merkmalen potentieller Konfliktlinien untersucht und deren Ausprägung sowie deren politische Relevanz festgestellt (Cleavage Analyse). Die Konfliktlinien beziehen sich auf das Siedlungsgebiet, das Arbeitsverhältnis, die Einkommensverteilung, die Religionszugehörigkeit, die ethnische Herkunft (Rasse), die Sprachherkunft, den Bildungsgrad und die Staatszugehörigkeit bzw. den Ausländeranteil. Im Rahmen des Wahlsystems vertreten politische Parteien die gesellschaftlichen Interessengruppen. Ihre Ziele werden als Inhalte von Wahlprogrammen festgehalten.
Die Wahlprogramme der Parteien eines Landes können mittels Wordscores in den sieben Politikfeldern Außenpolitik, Freiheit und Demokratie, Politisches System, Wirtschaft, Wohlstand und Lebensqualität, Gesellschaftsstruktur und Soziales miteinander verglichen werden. Jedes Politikfeld (policy domain) ist mit zwei gegensätzlichen Definitionen beschrieben, die zur aggregierenden Links–Rechts-Kategorisierung der Parteien verwendet werden. Die Ergebnisse werden die relativen Beziehungsschemata der politischen Parteien seit 1990 für das jeweilige Land zeigen. Für die Region werden in der komparativen Studie (Teil III) die parteipolitischen Kategorien Links, Rechts und Liberal im Kontext des südlichen Afrika definiert. Das Ergebnis der Gesellschaftsanalyse in den Ländern mit Mehrheitswahlsystem
zeigt eine ’homogene strukturierte’ Gesellschaft. Im einzelnen zeigt sich in Botswana eine homogene Gesellschaft mit einer dominanten Partei (BDP). In Botswana mehren sich die Anzeichen für steigenden Parteienwettbewerb, so dass ein
Regierungswechsel wahrscheinlicher wird. Die Gesellschaft in Malawi zeigt sich homogen strukturiert und bringt wechselnde Regierungsparteien hervor. Die für Mehrheitswahlsysteme untypischen Koalitionen sind die Konsequenz einer Periode des regionalen Wahlverhaltens in Malawi. Die Ergebnisse der Länderstudie Malawi zeigen einen Übergang zum einerseits lokal und andererseits national motivierten Wahlverhalten von Bevölkerungsanteilen mit dem Resultat einer Einparteiregierung (DPP). Die Wahlergebnisse in Sambia beruhen auf einer homogenen Gesellschaft, die theoriekonform wechselnde Regierungsparteien hervorbringt. Es zeigt sich weiterhin, dass die führenden Parteien mit ähnlichen politischen Inhalten Wahlkampf betreiben (PF und MMD). Das Ergebnis der Gesellschaftsanalyse in den Ländern mit Verhältniswahl reicht von homogen bis heterogen fragmentiert. Mosambik ist eine homogen geprägte
Gesellschaft mit einer dominanten Partei (FRELIMO). DieWahlergebnisse in Mosambik zeigen, dass die Dominanz der Partei unabhängig vomWahlsystem ist. Seit der letzten Wahl entfaltet sich ein bislang schwach ausgeprägter Ansatz für Parteienwettbewerb, der sich gesellschaftlich in den urbanen Gebieten bereits seit längerer Zeit formiert (MDM). Die Gesellschaft in Namibia stellt sich im Durchschnitt heterogen dar und bietet damit verschiedene Aspekte für Parteienwettbewerb. Bislang ist eine Partei dominant (SWAPO) und der Wettbewerb findet vornehmlich
unter den Oppositionsparteien statt. Die ’moderat fragmentierte’ Gesellschaft in Südafrika wird seit 1990 von einer Partei dominiert (ANC) und die Oppositionsparteien substituieren sich oder bilden Parteienlager. Zur Wahl 2009 ist eine neue
Partei in Südafrika zur Wahl angetreten (COPE), die sich zuvor aus dem ANC herausgelöst hat, um eigenständig eine aufstrebende Gesellschaftsgruppe zu repräsentieren. Aus der Konfliktlinienanalyse geht hervor, dass sich seit 1990 einige wesentliche Linien in der Gesellschaft Südafrikas verschoben und Einfluss auf die Regierungspartei und das Parteiensystem genommen haben. Für Mosambik und für Namibia gilt, dass eine gesellschaftlich bedingte innerparteiliche Spaltung in der dominierenden Regierungspartei wie in Südafrika nicht ausgeschlossen werden
kann, beziehungweise durch das Wahlsystem eher begünstigt wird.

Zusätzlich zur Einzelbetrachtung der sechs Länder im südlichen Afrika steht diese Arbeit in der Tradition der vergleichenden Politikwissenschaft. Mithilfe der Methode QCA (Qualitative Comparative Analysis) wird der inhaltliche Kontext von linksorientierten, rechtsorientierten und liberalen Parteien im südlichen Afrika definiert. Während sich Links und Rechts direkt aus der aggregierten Betrachtung der Politikfelder ergeben, kristallisiert sich die Definition von Inhalten der liberalen Parteien durch eine Rückwärtsbetrachtung im QCA-Schema heraus. Gleichzeitig sind die Inhalte der Definitionen Faktoren für den Erfolg von Parteien im südlichen Afrika. Links ist definiert mit der Forderung nach steigenden Steuern für öffentliche Investitionen, es fördert den Umweltschutz auch gegen Wirtschaftswachstum, es
wahrt die verfassungsmäßigen Rechte des Einzelnen, es fördert die staatliche Dezentralisierung und Entscheidungsfindung, es fördert den Patriotismus, und es unterstützt Arbeitergruppen und unterprivilegierte Minderheiten. Die Definition für Rechts beinhaltet die Förderung von Wirtschaftwachstum auch gegen den Schutz der Umwelt, die Partei stellt sich gegen die Dezentralisierung der staatlichen Verwaltung und Entscheidungsfindung, und ist für die Förderung von Patriotismus in der Gesellschaft. Die Positionierung einer rechtsorientierten Partei hinsichtlich Wirtschaft, Freiheit und Demokratie sowie Soziales bewegt sich daher auf dem gesamten Spektrum und ist für eine rechtsorientierte Partei nicht eindeutig notwendig. Liberale Parteien im südlichen Afrika stehen für die Reduktion öffentlicher Ausgaben, um Steuern zu reduzieren, sie fördern das Wirtschaftswachstum auch gegen den Umweltschutz, und treten für die Freiheit des Einzelnen, die Bürgerrechte und für die verfassungsmäßigen Rechte ein, sie unterstützen die Dezentralisierung der staatlichen Verwaltung und Entscheidungsfindung, und sie unterstützen die Mittelschicht und privilegierte Klientele in der Gesellschaft. Hinsichtlich der Unterstützung einer bestimmten Gesellschaftstruktur sind sie nicht eindeutig einer Ausprägung zuzuordnen.

Der regionale Vergleich zeigt die Kriterien für den Erfolg und den Misserfolg von Parteien im südlichen Afrika. Parteien mit rechtsorientierten Inhalten sind vornehmlich unter den Regierungsparteien zu finden und Parteien mit politisch linksorientierten oder liberalen Inhalten zählen vornehmlich zu den Oppositionsparteien.

Abschließend lässt sich feststellen, dass die Wähler und Parteien in Wahlsystemen agieren, die ihre derzeitigen Interessen gleichmäßig repräsentieren lassen, sei es im Mehrheitswahlsystem oder im Verhältniswahlsystem. Die Dominanz einer Partei lässt sich auf die Gesellschaftsstrukturen im Land zurückführen und begründet sich in der Regel auf wenige politisch relevante Konfliktlinien. Die identifizierten gesellschaftlichen Entwicklungsansätze in den Ländern mit derzeit einer dominierenden Partei, können zu weiterem Parteienwettbewerb beitragen und somit die westlichen Demokratietheorien für das südliche Afrika ebenso erfüllen, wie die Länder mit alternierenden Regierungsparteien. Das erarbeitete Links–Rechts-Schema zeigt auf, in welchen Politikfeldern sich Parteien erfolgreich positionieren können, um ihre Interessengruppen möglichst weitreichend zu repräsentieren.

May 25, 2014 at 18:11 Leave a comment

Abstract of the book ‘Party Systems and Cleavage Structures in Southern Africa. Determinants of Party Succuss and Failure in Botswana, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa and Zambia’

Hard Cover Book: http://www.amazon.de/Systems-Cleavage-Structures-Southern-Africa

Kindle Version: http://www.amazon.co.uk/Systems-Cleavage-Structures-Southern-Africa-ebook

Read the Abstract of the book ‘Party Systems and Cleavage Structures in Southern Africa. Determinants of Party Succuss and Failure in Botswana, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa and Zambia’ linked to Amazon above.

Since 1990, societies in sub-Saharan Africa have been able to develop under democratic conditions. In free and regular elections, parties have established themselves or have temporarily made an appearance. Western democracy theories assume interdependence between electoral and party systems. For the balanced representation of the society in parliament it is necessary to establish an appropriate electoral system. The theories on western democracies suggest a voting system of majority vote (FPTP) as an appropriate instrument for homogeneous social structures and
proportional representation (PR) for heterogeneous structured societies. According to the theories, political parties act as a transmission of societal interests in parliament. For the interaction of society and political parties within the electoral system, it is necessary to systematically investigate the social structures of sub-Saharan African countries (cleavage analysis) and measure the success or failure of political parties against the backdrop of the election programmes (manifesto research). It reflects the extent to which western theories of democracy for the region
may apply. The focus of this research is the six polyarchies of Botswana, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, Zambia and South Africa. These are countries with large societies and multi-party systems. The countries can be grouped into equal parts according to the majoritarian voting system and the voting system of proportional representation. The results of the national parliamentary elections in these countries since 1990 seems not meet to achieve the expectations of western theories. On the contrary, the reality in the countries contradicts the theories. In countries with the voting
system of proportional representation (Namibia, Mozambique, South Africa), neither coalition governments nor alternative government parties have ruled since 1990. In countries with a majoritarian voting system (Botswana, Malawi, Zambia), either coalitions have formed a government, or one party has remained unchallenged for decades. The research results show that the previous electoral outcomes are the reflection of the cleavage structure, and there are indicators in the societies examined that can meet the theoretical expectations of democratic societies in the
future. Therefore, the key aspects of this study are both actors – the voters and the political parties – in the countries of Southern Africa. The cleavage structure of each society will be examined, their extent and their political relevance. The political parties, their political goals, presented in manifestos, and the strategic positions in policy domains show the relation to other parties. Both actors in each country compared show which part of the society is represented by a political party. Furthermore will be shown, which party policy is favoured by the voters.

In part I of the study, the theoretical framework for the cleavage analysis and party analysis is established, which applies for the six country case studies of part II. The societies are examined in terms of eight cleavages, their extension and their political relevance. The cleavages are related to the settlement area, the occupation, the income distribution, the religion, the ethnicity (race), the language heritage, the educational level and citizenship (the proportion of foreigners).
In the context of the electoral system, political parties represent the social interest. Their goals are recorded as contents of the manifesto. The manifestos of parties can be used for Wordscores to compare the political parties on the policy domains Freedom and democracy, Political system, Economy, Welfare and quality of life, Fabric of Society and Social Groups. Each policy domain is described by two contrasting definitions, which are used for aggregating Left-Right categorisation of the parties. The results for each country show the relation schemes of the political
parties since 1990. The regional results in the comparative study (part III) define the categories Left, Right and Liberal of political parties in the context of Southern Africa.
The results of the cleavage analyses in the countries with majority voting system show a homogeneously fragmented society. In detail, a homogeneous society with a dominant party (BDP) is evident in Botswana, where there are signs of increasing party competition, indicating that a change of government is more likely in the future. Malawi shows a homogeneous social structure and produces alternating ruling parties. The atypical coalitions for majoritarian voting system are consequences of a period of regional voting behaviour in Malawi. The country study shows a transition, on the one hand, to locally and on the other hand, to nationally motivated voting behaviour with the result of a one-party rule (DPP). The election outcome in Zambia is based on a homogeneous society that brings theory compliant
changing governments. It is shown further that the leading parties in Zambia campaign with similar political content (PF and MMD).

The results of the cleavage analyses in the countries with proportional representation range from homogeneous to heterogeneous fragmented. Mozambique is a homogeneous society that has been ruled by a dominant party (FRELIMO) since 1990. The electoral outcomes in Mozambique show that the dominance of the party is independent of the electoral system. Since the last election, an emergent and as yet fragile approach to increasing party competition, which has existed in urban areas for a longer time, is now represented within the MDM. Namibia represents a heterogeneous social structure and thus offers various aspects of party competition. So far, one party has been dominant (SWAPO) and the competition has taken place primarily among the opposition parties. The moderately structured society
in South Africa has been dominated since 1990 by one party (ANC), and the opposition parties to substitute or make a party political camp. For the 2009 election, a new party emerged (COPE), which broke away from the ANC to independently represent an emerging social group. The cleavage analyses show that some major aspects in the South African society have shifted since 1990, and have affected changes in the ruling party and in the party system. With reference to Mozambique and Namibia, this scenario of a socially conditioned intra-party eruption cannot be
precluded, since its success is supported by the voting system of proportional representation.

In addition to the separate consideration of the six countries in Southern Africa, this work follows the tradition of comparative political science. The qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) is used to define the content of the left-wing, rightwing and liberal political parties in the context of Southern Africa. While Left and Right arise directly from the aggregate consideration of policy domains, the definition of the content of Liberal parties crystallises from a reverse analysis in the QCA-scheme. At the same time, the contents of the definitions are factors in the success of parties in Southern Africa. The definition of a Left party is that it promotes the raising of taxes to increase public services, the protection of the environment, even at the cost of economic growth. It favours personal freedom, civil rights and promotes the constitution in general, the decentralisation of administration and decision-making, favours patriotism
or nationalism and suspension of some freedom in order to protect the state, and favours references to labour groups and underprivileged minorities. The definition of Right that the party is to support economic growth, even at
the cost of damage to the environment, opposing decentralisation of administration and decision-making, favouring of patriotism or nationalism and the suspension of some freedoms in order to protect the state. Regarding Economy, Freedom and democracy and Social groups a right-wing party has no distinct positioning. The definition of Liberal is that political party promotes cutting public services to cut taxes, supports economic growth, even at the cost of damage to the environment, it favours personal freedom, civil rights and promotes the constitution in general, and promotes decentralisation of administration and decision-making, supports middle class, professional groups and favours privileged clientele. Regarding Fabric of society, a liberal party has no distinct positioning. The regional comparison shows the criteria for success and failure of political parties in the region. Parties with right-wing content are found mainly among the government parties, and parties with politically left-wing or liberal content are mainly
opposition parties.

In conclusion, the societies and the political parties act in electoral systems that can represent their current interests equally, whether in the majority or in the electoral system of proportional representation. The dominance of one party can be traced back to the cleavages in the country and is based usually on a few politically relevant cleavages. The identified approaches for social development in countries with a dominant party can contribute to further party competition and thus fulfil the western theories in Southern Africa in the same way as countries with alternating governmental parties do. The acquired Left-Right scheme shows, in which policy domain political parties are best positioned to represent their interests as far reaching and successful.

May 18, 2014 at 18:10 Leave a comment

IFP 2014 Manifesto South Africa

Please click here to download the full version of the IFP_2014_Manifesto as pdf file.

2014 ELECTION MANIFESTO
OF THE INKATHA FREEDOM PARTY
INTRODUCTION
The IFP believes that when you vote you shape and own your own future. We want to help you make that future the one you deserve. The IFP has spent long hours listening to you and analysing the problems you have raised. We have spent even longer looking for viable solutions and practical steps to put these solutions into action. This manifesto is proof of our commitment to you and our earnest desire to get South Africa working. It is also evidence of almost forty years’ experience in good governance. We know what works, and how to get things working. We value your opinion, your contribution as a donor and a volunteer, and your vote. South Africa’s Constitution gives us all the right to vote. But this right also comes with responsibilities and duties. It is our duty, come election time, to question the path and vision
the country is pursuing. It is also the time to reassess those who represent us.

It is our duty to ask ourselves three questions:
· Are our representatives capable of fulfilling their duties and their promises?
· Have they represented our interests with honesty and integrity?
· Have they responded to the issues that affect our families?

Today, many young South Africans believe that they will never be gainfully employed. The flowery struggle rhetoric and apparent gains of the past twenty years have not helped millions of South Africans put food on their tables. 1994 may have changed how we manage the affairs of our country; but for too many it has not changed how we live. Where once we struggled against Apartheid, now the vast majority of South Africans just seem to struggle. Frustration is rising, protests are flaring, street justice is burgeoning; and who is responding? What is the government doing? Does it even care?
These are questions we as South Africans should ask our representatives and ourselves as voters.
If the answers do not meet your expectations, and if politicians choose to placate you with vague promises, then it is your duty – it is your obligation as a citizen living in a democracy – to vote with your feet. It is time for South Africans to demand more of government. Let’s assess those in power and consider how we can make a change for our country, and ourselves. Your vote can change your future. I invite you to partner with the IFP, so that together we can heal our nation.
The Power is Yours!
PRINCE MANGOSUTHU BUTHELEZI MP
PRESIDENT OF THE IFP

April 14, 2014 at 22:49 Leave a comment

DA 2014 Manifesto South Africa

Please click on the link DA_2014_Manifesto to open the full version of the DA 2014 Manifesto as pdf file.

LETTER FROM HELEN ZILLE
Dear Voter
We South Africans are at our best when we share a sense of national purpose. This election is taking place exactly 20 years after the democratic election that brought President Nelson Mandela to power. We all agree that South Africa is a better place than it was in 1994. Great progress was made in delivering services under President Mandela and President Mbeki’s governments. But since then, many South Africans have lost the sense of optimism that our first presidents gave us. What changed? After all, South Africa is still a great country, admired by many in the world. The ANC changed. Jacob Zuma’s ANC has forgotten the hope and promise of 1994. Today, the challenges facing South Africa are great. The number of South Africans without work continues to grow, and too many communities still live in fear of crime.
Most people feel powerless to fight the corruption of the leaders they once trusted to serve them.
But these problems can be overcome. Together we can change South Africa, and we can create jobs.
I would like to offer you an invitation: Vote for the DA in the 2014 election, and we can fix South Africa together. In a democracy your vote is your most powerful weapon. Jacob Zuma’s ANC is indifferent to the daily struggles of the millions of South Africans excluded from the economy. There are more unemployed South Africans today than
ever before. That is why the DA’s manifesto is about working together for jobs. The DA’s carefully tested and budgeted policies would grow the economy fast enough to create six million real, full-time jobs by 2024. Together we can build the South Africa we all hope to live in one day. Together we can ensure that every child receives a better education, that every deserving student is fully funded for tertiary education, that young people can get internships, work experience, and ultimately, that every adult has the opportunity to work. Together we can build a country that we can be proud of. In this election, you have an opportunity to shape our future for the better. Lend us your vote in 2014 – you will not
be disappointed. Vote for the DA.

Best wishes,
Helen Zille

April 9, 2014 at 21:13 Leave a comment

COPE 2014 Manifesto South Africa

Please find the full version copy of the COPE 2014 manifesto as pdf file under the link COPE_2014_Manifesto.

 

Congress of the People Manifesto

IN OUR 2009 MANIFESTO we said that South Africa needed a government of the people…with leaders who are honest servants of the people…with respect for values and the principles of the South African people….a growing economy…ensuring sustainable development… educating and training our people for development…improving the quality of healthcare…fighting crime and ensuring safety for all citizens…advancing the African Agenda and creating a better world.
TODAY WE REITERATE WHAT WE SAID IN 2009, only this time we say it with a greater sense of urgency and the certainty that the vast majority of the people of our country will agree that SOUTH AFRICA DESERVES A BETTER GOVERNMENT…with leaders who are honest servants of the people, who have respect for values and the principles of the South African people, meet their promises of service delivery and lead and create conditions for a growing economy and sustainable development, a world class education system, quality and universal healthcaare, fight crime and ensure safety and security for all in human settlements that are conducive to building social cohesion, a better South Africa and therefore place us in a better position to contribute to advancing the African Agenda and creating a better world.
IN 2009 WE SAID THAT SOUTH AFRICA NEEDED a government of the people and that there was a need to inspire South Africans to build a better South Africa.
Today we say that SOUTH AFRICA DESERVES A BETTER GOVERNMENT.
We are reminding you that YOUR VOTE CAN DELIVER IT!
Today we are asking you to see that YOUR COUNTRY
NEEDS YOU.
TODAY we are calling on you to SAVE SOUTH AFRICA.

April 6, 2014 at 21:18 Leave a comment

ANC 2014 Manifesto South Africa

Please find a full version copy of the ANC 2014 manifesto as pdf file under the link ANC_2014_Manifesto.

 

A BETTER LIFE FOR ALL
SOUTH AFRICA forward together we move
2014 ELECTION MANIFESTO

WE DEDICATE THIS MANIFESTO TO TATA MADIBA

One of the greatest leaders ever produced by our people and our movement is gone, yet Madiba’s revolutionary spirit continues to inspire our efforts to ensure the poor and the working class truly benefit from the material fruits of the freedom for which he fought.
Let us together re-double our efforts to realise his vision, shared by his people and humanity, for a better life for all, for a better Africa and a better world.

Message from the President

Fellow South Africans,
Together we move South Africa forward!
Twenty years ago we began a new journey to eradicate the oppressive legacy of colonialism and apartheid. It has been 20 years of freedom and democracy in which we have made significant steps towards achieving the vision of the Freedom Charter.
This has been a collective South African effort, personified in the greatness of the father of our nation, Tata Madiba, to whom we dedicate this manifesto.
The lives of our people have vastly improved and South Africa is a much better place than it was before 1994.
Over the last five years, the ANC government has worked together with all South Africans to do more to fight poverty and unemployment, and to reduce inequality.
Working together, we have defended and consolidated the social gains achieved since 1994, despite the negative global economic situation. More of our people have been lifted out of extreme poverty; we have created more jobs than before; expanded social grants, housing and basic services to our people; and further improved access to better education and health care.
Our journey continues.
Our struggle has now reached the second phase, in which we will implement radical socio-economic transformation to meaningfully address poverty, unemployment and inequality.

More than ever before, we must work together to promote nation building, unity and social solidarity as we free the economy from the shackles of the past. We cannot rest until the economy is in the hands of the people who were historically excluded from participation.
Far-reaching economic transformation is the central question this election must answer. In this manifesto the ANC provides clear, bold and decisive answers to this question.
This manifesto is the result of a wide consultation process with our allies, involving communities and key sectors of society including workers, business, religious, youth and women’s organisations and several academics. We will continue to consult as we embark on its implementation.
Together we move South Africa forward!
Vote ANC for a better life for all!
Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma
ANC President

April 3, 2014 at 20:04 Leave a comment

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This blog is about countries of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) regarding societies, political parties and policies. Most interest will be spent on the countries: Botswana, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa and Zambia.

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