Katalog der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek

The book ‘Party Systems and Cleavage Structures in Southern Africa : Determinants of Party Success and Failure in Botswana, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa and Zambia’ ist also available in germany at the Katalog der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek.

Zusammenfassung
Seit 1990 konnten sich Gesellschaften im südlichen Afrika unter demokratischen Bedingungen entwickeln. In freien und regelmäßigen Wahlen haben sich Parteien etabliert oder sind temporär in Erscheinung getreten. Westliche Demokratietheorien gehen von einer Wechselwirkung zwischen Wahlsystem und Parteiensystem aus. Dabei ist für die gleichmäßige Repräsentanz der Gesellschaft im Parlament ein geeigetes Wahlsystem zu etablieren. In homogen strukturierten Gesellschaft ist die Mehrheitswahl ein geeignetes Instrument, in heterogen strukturierten Gesellschaften die Verhältniswahl. Weiterhin gilt in westlichen Demokratietheorien, dass Parteien als Transmissionsriemen gesellschaftlicher Interessen im Parlament agieren. Für die Wechselwirkung von Gesellschaft und Parteien innerhalb des Wahlsystems sind die Gesellschaftsstrukturen der Länder im südlichen Afrika systematisch zu untersuchen und der Erfolg und Misserfolg von politischen Parteien unter Berücksichtigung der Wahlprogramme zu messen. Es wird reflektiert, inwieweit westliche Demokratietheorien für die Region Anwendung finden können. Im Fokus der Arbeit stehen die sechs Polyarchien Botswana, Malawi, Mosambik, Namibia, Sambia und Südafrika. Es sind Länder mit großen Bevölkerungen und Mehrparteiensystemen. Die Länderauswahl lässt sich zu gleichen Teilen nach den Wahlsystemen Mehrheitswahl und Verhältniswahl gruppieren. Die Ergebnisse der Parlamentswahlen in den Ländern seit etwa 1990, scheinen die Erwartungen der Demokratietheorien nicht zu erfüllen. Ganz im Gegenteil, die Theorien sind für diesen Zeitraum konträr zu den Erfahrungen westlicher Demokratien seit dem Zweiten Weltkrieg. In Ländern mit dem System der Verhältniswahl entstehen seit 1990 weder Koalitionsregierungen noch gibt es wechselnde Regierungsparteien (Namibia, Mosambik, Südafrika). In Ländern mit dem Mehrheitswahlrecht wurden entweder Koalitionen zur Regierungsbildung formiert oder eine Partei ist unangefochten über Jahrzehnte hinweg alleinige Regierungspartei (Botswana, Malawi,
Sambia). Die Ausarbeitungen werden zeigen, dass sich die bisherigen Wahlergebnisse mit den Gesellschaftsstrukturen begründen lassen und sich Veränderungen in der politischen Repräsentation durch Veränderungen in den Gesellschaftsstrukturen einstellen. Es werden Indikatoren in den Gesellschaften herausgearbeitet, die die theoretischen Erwartungen an demokratische Gesellschaften zukünftig erfüllen lassen. Den Mittelpunkt der Arbeit bilden daher die beiden Akteure – Wähler und politische
Parteien – in den Ländern im südlichen Afrika. Es wird die Frage nach der vorhandenen Wählerstruktur, der innergesellschaftlichen Konfliktlinien und ihrer politischen Relevanz beantwortet. Demgegenüber stehen die politischen Parteien, ihre Ziele, die in Wahlprogrammen festgehalten werden, und ihre strategischen Positionen auf Politikfeldern in Relation zu den Wettbewerberparteien. Für jedes Land wird gezeigt, welche Teile der Bevölkerung in den Parteien repräsentiert sind, und welche Partei mit der Besetzung einer bestimmten Politik ihre Wähler erreicht. In Teil I der Arbeit wird der theoretische Rahmen für die Gesellschaftsanalyse und
Parteienanalyse festgelegt, der für die sechs Länderstudien in Teil II Anwendung findet. Die Gesellschaften werden nach acht Merkmalen potentieller Konfliktlinien untersucht und deren Ausprägung sowie deren politische Relevanz festgestellt (Cleavage Analyse). Die Konfliktlinien beziehen sich auf das Siedlungsgebiet, das Arbeitsverhältnis, die Einkommensverteilung, die Religionszugehörigkeit, die ethnische Herkunft (Rasse), die Sprachherkunft, den Bildungsgrad und die Staatszugehörigkeit
bzw. den Ausländeranteil. Im Rahmen des Wahlsystems vertreten politische Parteien die gesellschaftlichen Interessengruppen. Ihre Ziele werden als Inhalte von Wahlprogrammen festgehalten. Die Wahlprogramme der Parteien eines Landes können mittels Wordscores in den sieben Politikfeldern Außenpolitik, Freiheit und Demokratie, Politisches System, Wirtschaft, Wohlstand und Lebensqualität, Gesellschaftsstruktur und Soziales miteinander verglichen werden. Jedes Politikfeld (policy domain) ist mit zwei
gegensätzlichen Definitionen beschrieben, die zur aggregierenden Links–Rechts-Kategorisierung der Parteien verwendet werden. Die Ergebnisse werden die relativen Beziehungsschemata der politischen Parteien seit 1990 für das jeweilige Land zeigen. Für die Region werden in der komparativen Studie (Teil III) die parteipolitischen Kategorien Links, Rechts und Liberal im Kontext des südlichen Afrika definiert.
Das Ergebnis der Gesellschaftsanalyse in den Ländern mit Mehrheitswahlsystem zeigt eine ’homogene strukturierte’ Gesellschaft. Im einzelnen zeigt sich in Botswana eine homogene Gesellschaft mit einer dominanten Partei (BDP). In Botswana mehren sich die Anzeichen für steigenden Parteienwettbewerb, so dass ein Regierungswechsel wahrscheinlicher wird. Die Gesellschaft in Malawi zeigt sich homogen strukturiert und bringt wechselnde Regierungsparteien hervor. Die für Mehrheitswahlsysteme untypischen Koalitionen sind die Konsequenz einer Periode des regionalen Wahlverhaltens in Malawi. Die Ergebnisse der Länderstudie Malawi zeigen einen Übergang zum einerseits lokal und andererseits national motivierten Wahlverhalten von Bevölkerungsanteilen mit dem Resultat einer Einparteiregierung (DPP). Die Wahlergebnisse in Sambia beruhen auf einer homogenen Gesellschaft, die theoriekonform wechselnde Regierungsparteien hervorbringt. Es zeigt sich weiterhin, dass die führenden Parteien mit ähnlichen politischen Inhalten
Wahlkampf betreiben (PF und MMD). Das Ergebnis der Gesellschaftsanalyse in den Ländern mit Verhältniswahl reicht von homogen bis heterogen fragmentiert. Mosambik ist eine homogen geprägte Gesellschaft mit einer dominanten Partei (FRELIMO). DieWahlergebnisse in Mosambik zeigen, dass die Dominanz der Partei unabhängig vomWahlsystem ist. Seit der letzten Wahl entfaltet sich ein bislang schwach ausgeprägter Ansatz für Parteienwettbewerb, der sich gesellschaftlich in den urbanen Gebieten bereits seit längerer Zeit formiert (MDM). Die Gesellschaft in Namibia stellt sich im Durchschnitt heterogen dar und bietet damit verschiedene Aspekte für Parteienwettbewerb. Bislang ist eine Partei dominant (SWAPO) und der Wettbewerb findet vornehmlich unter den Oppositionsparteien statt. Die ’moderat fragmentierte’ Gesellschaft in Südafrika wird seit 1990 von einer Partei dominiert (ANC) und die Oppositionsparteien substituieren sich oder bilden Parteienlager. Zur Wahl 2009 ist eine neue Partei in Südafrika zur Wahl angetreten (COPE), die sich zuvor aus dem ANC herausgelöst hat, um eigenständig eine aufstrebende Gesellschaftsgruppe zu repräsentieren. Aus der Konfliktlinienanalyse geht hervor, dass sich seit 1990 einige wesentliche Linien in der Gesellschaft Südafrikas verschoben und Einfluss auf die Regierungspartei und das Parteiensystem genommen haben. Für Mosambik und für Namibia gilt, dass eine gesellschaftlich bedingte innerparteiliche Spaltung in der dominierenden Regierungspartei wie in Südafrika nicht ausgeschlossen werden kann, beziehungweise durch das Wahlsystem eher begünstigt wird. Zusätzlich zur Einzelbetrachtung der sechs Länder im südlichen Afrika steht diese Arbeit in der Tradition der vergleichenden Politikwissenschaft. Mithilfe der Methode QCA (Qualitative Comparative Analysis) wird der inhaltliche Kontext von linksorientierten, rechtsorientierten und liberalen Parteien im südlichen Afrika definiert. Während sich Links und Rechts direkt aus der aggregierten Betrachtung der Politikfelder ergeben, kristallisiert sich die Definition von Inhalten der liberalen Parteien durch eine Rückwärtsbetrachtung im QCA-Schema heraus. Gleichzeitig sind die Inhalte der Definitionen Faktoren für den Erfolg von Parteien im südlichen Afrika.
Links ist definiert mit der Forderung nach steigenden Steuern für öffentliche Investitionen, es fördert den Umweltschutz auch gegen Wirtschaftswachstum, es wahrt die verfassungsmäßigen Rechte des Einzelnen, es fördert die staatliche Dezentralisierung und Entscheidungsfindung, es fördert den Patriotismus, und es unterstützt Arbeitergruppen und unterprivilegierte Minderheiten.
Die Definition für Rechts beinhaltet die Förderung von Wirtschaftwachstum auch gegen den Schutz der Umwelt, die Partei stellt sich gegen die Dezentralisierung der staatlichen Verwaltung und Entscheidungsfindung, und ist für die Förderung von Patriotismus in der Gesellschaft. Die Positionierung einer rechtsorientierten Partei hinsichtlich Wirtschaft, Freiheit und Demokratie sowie Soziales bewegt
sich daher auf dem gesamten Spektrum und ist für eine rechtsorientierte Partei nicht eindeutig notwendig.
Liberale Parteien im südlichen Afrika stehen für die Reduktion öffentlicher Ausgaben, um Steuern zu reduzieren, sie fördern das Wirtschaftswachstum auch gegen den Umweltschutz, und treten für die Freiheit des Einzelnen, die Bürgerrechte und für die verfassungsmäßigen Rechte ein, sie unterstützen die Dezentralisierung der staatlichen Verwaltung und Entscheidungsfindung, und sie unterstützen die Mittelschicht und privilegierte Klientele in der Gesellschaft. Hinsichtlich der Unterstützung einer bestimmten Gesellschaftstruktur sind sie nicht eindeutig einer Ausprägung zuzuordnen.
Der regionale Vergleich zeigt die Kriterien für den Erfolg und den Misserfolg von Parteien im südlichen Afrika. Parteien mit rechtsorientierten Inhalten sind vornehmlich unter den Regierungsparteien zu finden und Parteien mit politisch linksorientierten
oder liberalen Inhalten zählen vornehmlich zu den Oppositionsparteien. Abschließend lässt sich feststellen, dass die Wähler und Parteien in Wahlsystemen agieren, die ihre derzeitigen Interessen gleichmäßig repräsentieren lassen, sei es im Mehrheitswahlsystem oder im Verhältniswahlsystem. Die Dominanz einer Partei lässt sich auf die Gesellschaftsstrukturen im Land zurückführen und begründet sich in der Regel auf wenige politisch relevante Konfliktlinien. Die identifizierten gesellschaftlichen Entwicklungsansätze in den Ländern mit derzeit einer dominierenden Partei, können zu weiterem Parteienwettbewerb beitragen und somit die westlichen Demokratietheorien für das südliche Afrika ebenso erfüllen, wie die Länder mit alternierenden Regierungsparteien. Das erarbeitete Links–Rechts-Schema zeigt auf, in welchen Politikfeldern sich Parteien erfolgreich positionieren können, um ihre Interessengruppen möglichst weitreichend zu repräsentieren.

August 20, 2014 at 11:53 Leave a comment

Library University of Namibia in Windhoek

Please find the full version of the book ‘Party systems and cleavage structures in southern Africa : determinants of party success and failure in Botswana, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa and Zambia’ at the Library of the University of Namibia in Windhoek.

The case of Namibia starts at page 105:

5 Namibia
5.1 Introduction
The independence of Namibia is the result of negotiations for the ending of the Angolan War in 1989 between Angola and Cuba on the one hand and South Africa’s mandate of administration on the other hand (Kadima and Pottie 2002). The settlers’ oligarchy, which was established in the 1960s and 1970s by South Africa (Bratton and van de Walle 1997, 77) became a multi-party polyarchy or at least limited polyarchy with a multi-party system (Temelli 1999, 270). In independent Namibia, voting by PR prevails.
In Namibia government coalitions for ethnic reasons can be founded due to the ‘high’ ethnic cleavages, structured with a distinct dominance of one ethnic group which is far from absolute majority (Temelli 1999, 124–125). Temelli (1999, 153–154) sees ‘no religious’ cleavages in the country due to the dominance of Christian faith with over 90%. In terms of the macro socio-economic structure Temelli (1999, 207) implies for Namibia’s democratic development negative impacts of the global economic development. The Election Observation Mission (EOM) report (1999, 7) for Namibia summarises the socio-economic and political situation as follows: With a land area of 319,000 square miles and a population estimated at 1,695,000 (1997), Namibia is one of the world most sparsely populated countries. More than half of the population lives in the Ovamboland region, located in northern Namibia, bordering Angola. Approximately 158,500 (1997) people live in the capital city ofWindhoek. The Ovambo are the most prevalent ethnic group in Namibia, comprising just over half of the total population. The remaining population includes: Baster, Damara, English, Germans, Herero, Khoi, Kavango, Losi, Nama, Portuguese, San, and Tswana. The country is predominantly Christian. While English is the sole official language, Afrikaans remains the most commonly understood language. After a prolonged independence struggle against South African apartheid rule, Namibia gained independence on 21 March 1990. Following the competitive pre-independence elections to the Constituent Assembly in 1989 and the adoption of a particularly liberal constitution in 1990, Namibia’s multiparty democracy has continued to be nurtured. The country generally enjoys political and social stability as a multi-party democracy. Since 1989, the first multi-party elections, two political parties have dominated the spectrum (EOM report 1999). The predominant SWAPO calls itself Party of Namibia, and has governed the country since 1989 with an absolute majority, in
contradiction to the theory of the consequences of a PR voting system. The Democratic Turnhalle Alliance (DTA) is ‘a Coalition of Parties that has participated in governance under the South African Administration’ (EOM report 1999) and is the
main opposition party. A number of political movements register for the elections and receive a small proportion of votes and seats in the national assembly without any opportunity of having a significant impact. While Elischer (2010) concludes for the first free and democratic election in 1989, that ‘[m]ost manifestos demonstrate little concern with programmatic ideas’, Boer
(2004) describes the ‘differences of the political party platforms’ according to the scheme, drawn from the MRG. He includes External relations with the subjects of foreign affairs, decolonialisation and peace. For the domain Freedom and democracy, he challenges the party manifestos regarding the statements for freedom and domestic human rights, democracy and constitutionalism. The aspect of government includes decentralisation, efficiency and government corruption as well as government effectiveness and authority with reference to good governance. The domain Economy consists of analyses for economic policy and growth, tax policies and public spending, including investment and unemployment. Boer further subsumes poverty reduction efforts, privatisation and minimum wages to Economy. The fifth domain isWelfare and quality of life with environmental protection, provision of housing, health and education in the country. The Fabric of society reflects crime and the rule of law. The final domain in Boer’s survey is Social groups,
including labour relations, land reform and redistribution, support of minorities, the role of women and pensioners. The survey included political manifestos, public statements and letters of several smaller and the two major political parties in Namibia until 2004, and finally concludes, looking at the manifestos of the parties (especially the three largest, namely the COD [Congress of Democrats], DTA and the SWAPO Party). Interesting policy proposals that set the parties apart, however, the ‘similarities are overwhelmingly greater than the differences’ (Boer 2004, 18). ‘Given the similarities in ideological and social policy issues, voters use other aspects to differentiate between parties and decide which party to vote for: such as ethnicity, liberation struggle credentials and individual personalities’ (Lebeau and Dima 2005, 23). The EOM report for Namibia (1999), Boer (2004) as well as Lebeau and Dima
(2005) give comprehensive descriptions of the different parties. ‘The party [SWAPO] has broad support throughout the country.’ […] ‘[i]ts roots [date] back to 2 August 1957 when a group of contract labourers and students formed the Ovamboland People’s
Congress (OPC), a party focused on the plight of Ovambo contract labourers […] During the liberation struggle SWAPO identified itself as a socialist party [and] changed almost overnight into a moderate, social-democratic pro-capitalist party’, according to Boer (2004) who refers to Dobell (1998). ‘The DTA became a unified political party on 2 December 1991. However, its roots can be traced back to 5 November 1977 when the DTA was formed as an alliance (rather than a party) between like-minded political parties with the ing NUDO [National Unity Democratic Organisation] and the RP [Republican Party of Namibia], had walked out of the Turnhalle Constitutional Conference together when the NP [National Party] insisted that certain racist apartheid legislation should be maintained in a proposed new constitution. […] The DTA has been the official opposition since independence, but it has constantly and dramatically lost voter support during the years’ (Broer 2004). ‘The [DTA] was launched in the wake of the Turnhalle Conference as a multi-racial Coalition of African, European, and Coloured groups. The Coalition was transformed into an integrated political party
in 1991’ (EOM 1999). The RP broke away from the alliance , under the force of ‘mostly whites’, in 2003, and now operates independently (Lebeau and Dima 2005). The youngest party, CoD, ‘the Congress of Democrats is a new party created during 1999. Initially former SWAPO members comprised 37% of the membership and 32% were first time members of a political organisation’ (EOM 1999). ‘The CoD differs from the SWAPO Party, the party it broke away from, in that it desires to have a smaller government, fewer parastatals, more power for the Regions, and a greater role for traditional and religious leaders’ (Boer 2004). ‘MAG [Monitor Action Group] was formed in 1991 by members of the Aksie Christelik Nasionaal (literally, ‘Action Christian National’) alliance, who wanted to concentrate on shaping opinions rather than on conflict politics. MAG, which is historically linked to the Namibian counterpart of South Africa’s National Party (NP), [holds] beliefs [which] are the most fundamentally different from all others, starting with the fact that it does not recognise the (secular) Constitution of the Republic of Namibia’ (Boer 2004) and is a religion-based (mainly Christian) party (Lebeau and Dima 2005). The ‘NUDO considered instituting a government of national unity’ and is ‘representing Herero interests’, the ‘MAG had no interest in forming a government, and ‘the SWAPO Party […] wins in the Oshiwambo-speaking northern regions and […] influence in the Kavango and Caprivi regions [due to ethnic voting patterns]’ (Lebeau and Dima 2005, 22; Simon 1995). Simon (1995, 108) comments on the number of small parties that register for elections: ‘The large number of parties in a population of only 977,742 registered voters is high. One possible explanation for so many political parties is the desire of individuals for power. In addition, the ethnic base of most parties promotes a tendency among parties to view the country’s leadership as being under the control of a particular ethnic group – this factor can negate democratic growth.’ The following section will show a heterogeneous society with several aspects in which the fragmented party system can be motivated. But the reason for the overwhelming SWAPO success, and seemingly the most political factor, is the income level as the analyses will show.  hope of establishing an internal government. The 11 founding parties, including NUDO [National Unity Democratic Organisation] and the RP [Republican Party of Namibia], had walked out of the Turnhalle Constitutional Conference together when the NP [National Party] insisted that certain racist apartheid legislation should be maintained in a proposed new constitution. […] The DTA has been the
official opposition since independence, but it has constantly and dramatically lost voter support during the years’ (Broer 2004). ‘The [DTA] was launched in the wake of the Turnhalle Conference as a multi-racial Coalition of African, European, and Coloured groups. The Coalition was transformed into an integrated political party in 1991’ (EOM 1999). The RP broke away from the alliance , under the force of ‘mostly whites’, in 2003, and now operates independently (Lebeau and Dima 2005). The youngest party, CoD, ‘the Congress of Democrats is a new party created during 1999. Initially former SWAPO members comprised 37% of the membership
and 32% were first time members of a political organisation’ (EOM 1999). ‘The CoD differs from the SWAPO Party, the party it broke away from, in that it desires to have a smaller government, fewer parastatals, more power for the Regions, and a greater role for traditional and religious leaders’ (Boer 2004). ‘MAG [Monitor Action Group] was formed in 1991 by members of the Aksie
Christelik Nasionaal (literally, ‘Action Christian National’) alliance, who wanted to concentrate on shaping opinions rather than on conflict politics. MAG, which is historically linked to the Namibian counterpart of South Africa’s National Party (NP), [holds] beliefs [which] are the most fundamentally different from all others, starting with the fact that it does not recognise the (secular) Constitution of the Republic of Namibia’ (Boer 2004) and is a religion-based (mainly Christian) party (Lebeau and Dima 2005).
The ‘NUDO considered instituting a government of national unity’ and is ‘representing Herero interests’, the ‘MAG had no interest in forming a government, and ‘the SWAPO Party […] wins in the Oshiwambo-speaking northern regions and […] influence in the Kavango and Caprivi regions [due to ethnic voting patterns]’ (Lebeau and Dima 2005, 22; Simon 1995). Simon (1995, 108) comments on the number of small parties that register for elections: ‘The large number of parties in a population of only 977,742 registered voters is high. One possible explanation for so many political parties is the desire of individuals for power. In addition, the ethnic base of most parties promotes a tendency among parties to view the country’s leadership as being under the control of a particular ethnic group – this factor can negate democratic growth.’ The following section will show a heterogeneous society with several aspects in which the fragmented party system can be motivated. But the reason for the overwhelming SWAPO success, and seemingly the most political factor, is the income level as the analyses will show.

August 10, 2014 at 11:43 Leave a comment

MF 2014 Manifesto South Africa

Please click here to download the full version of the MF_2014_Manifesto as pdf file.

http://minorityfront.com/2014-manifesto/

MINORITY FRONT MANIFESTO – 2014
WELCOME TO THE MF “ONE VISION, ONE FUTURE”

1. MF VISION

The MF stands for meaningful co-operation.
We strongly believe that tolerance leads to peaceful co-existence. Our long-term vision is to ensure that a Ministry for Minorities and a Minority Commission are established, addressing the unique needs of minorities all over S.A.

2. MISSION STATEMENT

The Minority Front is a socio-political party with a purpose to participate within the true principles of democracy.

The Minority Front (MF) wants, not only to receive benefits from South Africa, but to work for them. Twenty years into democracy affirmative action should be scrapped, because sound economic and political justice is ensured through equal opportunities for all.

The MF believes that equality is the mother of justice and must be exercised unconditionally, irrespective of race, class, creed, age, gender and status.

Superficial use of pro-human rights I n the constitution must be avoided at all costs by leaders in our country, therefore we strongly reject the use of race tokenism to manipulate the economical, socio-cultural and political system.

3. THE MF LOGO

SMALL MINORITY FRONT OFFICIAL HI RES LOGO
Our vibrant colours signify:
RED Strength & Vitality
GREEN Balance & Harmony
BLUE Protection & Inspiration
TIGER Mr A. Rajbansi was commonly known as the “Bengal Tiger”. He was a fighter to the end. Strong, tenacious with an acute long term vision for the MF.
Mrs S. Thakur-Rajbansi is a Tigress who will accomplish the MF objectives

4. OBJECTIVES FOR THE NEXT 5 YEAR TERM

To ensure government establishes a:
1. Ministry for Minorities
2. Commission for Minorities

5. MF PRINCIPAL

The protection of minorities and groups is always built on one principal: “the absence of discrimination and inequality”. We seek co-operation between races so that we can build a sense of lasting unity in diversity in South Africa.

6. EFFECTIVENESS OF MINORITES

1. Minority votes can hold the balance of power by having your own, true voice, in parliament.
2. Minority rights are human rights that are internationally entrenched by various declarations and conventions, therefore minorities have nothing to fear. All they need to have is good, strong leadership.

7. RELEVANCE OF A MINORITY MOVEMENT TO THE NEW S.A.

We who have lived in the old S.A. and now in the new S.A. need to educate our children about history and revise our knowledge on minority groups along with that of the majority. This would certainly change attitudes and bring about social cohesion and nation-building.

8. WHY IS THE MF DISTINCT FROM OTHER PARTIES

1. The MF skilfully negotiates for the people we serve, using quiet diplomacy
2. The MF does not promote any group along ethnic or other lines, but if anyone is prejudiced or disadvantaged because he or she belongs to a particular group, it is the policy of the MF to oppose such unfair action.
9. WHY VOTE MF

1. The MF in keeping with the legacy of our late leader, Mr A. Rajbansi (Bengal Tiger), will fearlessly, voice your concerns at all government levels making you the people, a powerful minority within the majority, capable of holding the balance of power.
2. The power and effectiveness of minorities lies in their united vote which will strengthen our fight to bring about true justice and equality for all.
3. People will only vote for a party capable of expressing their concerns.
4. South Africans are looking to a “strong leader” compared to “democracy is always best”. Mr Rajbansi was one of S.A. most tenacious, resilient politicians known as a “Political survivor”, but the new leader, Mrs Shameen Thakur-Rajbansi is a “Tigress” in her own right.
5. Minority movements are an international phenomenon and it is a known fact that the success of any democracy is dependent on the manner in which its minority communities are accommodated.

July 10, 2014 at 14:56 Leave a comment

FFP 2014 Manifesto South Africa

Please click here to download the full version of the FFP_2014_Manifesto as pdf file.

http://www.vfplus.org.za/2014-election-manifesto

MANIFESTO OF THE FF PLUS FOR THE ELECTION OF 2014
A. Introduction and Background: The South Africa of 2014

1. It is time:

The FF Plus believes it is time for a better new South Africa. The ‘New South Africa’ of 1994 has failed and has become an old South Africa. The recipe for nation building in the past 20 years since 1994 has not worked. We dream of a truly New South Africa which is to the advantage of all its people.

2. South Africa of 2014:

The South Africa which came into being in 1994, has become stale, due to affirmative action, job-losses as a result of transformation, marginalisation of minorities, poor service delivery, poor management, incompetence, cadre deployment, nepotism, political appointments, lust for power, abuse of power, corruption, fraud, self-enrichment, cover-ups, incompetence, crime, farm murders, populism and ideological obsessiveness.

Every one in South Africa, apart from the ANC’s inner circle who has been advantaged by it, wants a country without these features. The result of this and other experiences, with which Afrikaners and other minorities face, is that a call is being made to stand together for a better dispensation – a dispensation which protects language and minority rights, maintains Christian values and guarantees freedom and justice.

In this manifesto the FF Plus explains its vision of how this has to be achieved, to broaden and deepen the democracy upon which this freedom is built.

3. Freedom with Justice:

Freedom can be described as the ability and right to make decisions and execute them.

As with the majority of South Africans, freedom is also central to the political thought of the FF Plus. While the FF Plus recognises the individual, a community and the state, and where applicable wants to protect it, there is a vacuum in South Africa with regards to the claim of freedom to communities.

4. What is the truth about South Africa?

The truth is that we have a very diverse country with different languages, cultures, religions and historical views. But also with realities that over 360 years we have grown accustomed to being economically intertwined and being dependent on each other. People believe that in this large country there is and has to be a place for everyone.

July 1, 2014 at 14:54 Leave a comment

APC 2014 Manifesto South Africa

Please click here to download the full version of the APC_2014_Manifesto as pdf file.

http://www.theapc.org.za/apc-2014-peoples-manifesto-0

AFRICAN PEOPLE’S CONVENTION 2014 MANIFESTO

SECTION A

PREAMBLE to the APC 2014 Election Manifesto

A FUTURE for everyone, that is what we are about.  That is our promise to South Africans.

Our past has been premised on the exclusion of the majority – politically, economically and culturally.  Post-1994 has not only failed to effectively deal with these exclusions, but new forms of exclusions have emerged.  The poverty, inequalities and unemployment amongst the majority has persisted.  As it is, political democracy has been achieved but there has been no justice for the poor in a way that gives them a sense of shared hope and indeed a realistic chance at a bright future.

Our vision is of an egalitarian society – a society characterised by social solidarity and economic justice.  We want a society that is democratic in form, non-racial in character and socialistic in content. We believe that economic development is the central task of a people’s government;  i.e. growing the economy; creating employment, ending poverty and inequality.  Thus, as will be shown in the Manifesto our emphasis and focus is on how the lives of our people can be made better.  We correctly argue that the energy and creativity of the people led by a capable government can achieve the country’s economic and social goals.  Creating jobs, ending poverty and inequality is our single central focus!

The APC goes into these elections satisfied that it has given a full and positive account of itself for the last five years.  We believe that with increased electoral support, the APC will be able to serve our people better.  To us the primary responsibility of elected representatives is to address the people’s grievances.  We are certain that we have done enough to win the confidence of the people and present the APC as a viable, credible and progressive political force.

A FUTURE for everyone that is what we stand for.  We are looking forward to the elections with confidence and momentum.  APC will hold high the banner of revolution;  never to betray the Africanist cause or betray the historic mission set by the fighters for the cause of Africa. The APC is blazing a historic trail; it emerges as an independent and revolutionary African voice; totally committed to the welfare and well-being of the people.  We remain the humble servants of our people.

The road is tortuous, the future is bright.  A future for everyone.

Yours for a United and Socialist Africa.

Cde Themba Godi

APC President

June 26, 2014 at 14:50 Leave a comment

ACA 2014 Manifesto South Africa

Please click here to download the full version of the ACA_2014_Manifesto as pdf file.

http://www.acaparty.org.za/index.php/en/aca-party-national-manifesto

ACA – Party National Manifesto 2014 – 2015. – E
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Manifesto 2014 / 2015.

INTRODUCTION
The African Christian Alliance – Afrikaner Christen Alliansie (ACA-Party)  brings hope to South Africa for a strong, healthy and prosperous nation by recognising family values as the building block of society.  Our hope lies in God Almighty (YaHWeH) and in our Christian value system. (1 Sam 8:10-18)  (Romans13:1)  (Proverbs 8:15)  (Hebrews 10:24)  (Matthew 20:25-28)  (Matthew 22: 21)  (Matthew 28: 19-20)  (Luke 22:25-26)  (Peter 2:13-14)  (2 Chronicles 7:14)
The ACA-Party will focus on adressing the critical challenges such as Poverty, Unemployment, Job Creation, Education, Housing, Health, Justice and Crime, and Moral Regeneration and Integrity.

African Christian Alliance – Afrikaner Christen Alliansie.
(ACA-Party)

BELIEVE IN GOD (YaHWeH)
BELIEVE IN YOUR PEOPLE
BELIEVE IN YOUR OWN VIDE POWER
BELIEVE IN YOURSELF AND CREATE YOUR OWN FUTURE
PRAY AS THOUGH WORK DOES NOT HELP,
WORK AS THOUGH PRAYER DOES NOT HELP
THE STRUGGLE CONTINUES
LIFE IS A STRUGGLE – STRUGGLE IS LIFE.
THE NATION THAT DESIRES LIFE, WILL FIGHT FOR IT
THOSE WHO ARE WILLING TO FIGHT FOR IT, SHALL LIVE.
THERE ARE WINNERS AND POTENTIAL WINNERS
BELIEVE AND TRUST.

ACA-Party  Manifesto  Preamble:
Our hope lies in God Almighty and we declare that the ACA – Party commits itself to install a God fearing leadership.
We submit to the authority of the Bible and our decisions will be based on the Bible principles. (1Sam 8:10–18) (Romans 13:1) (Proverbs 8:15) (Hebrews 10:24) (Matthew 22:21) (Matthew 28:19-20) (Luke 22:25-26) (Peter 2:13-14) (2 Chronicles 7:14)

a)The ACA-Party is coupled to all Southern African Nations and their languages who are in agreement with the ACA-Party and its aspirations.

b)The ACA-Party is in alliance with all Christian Churches and several cultural groups in Southern Africa.

c)The MAIN purpose, aspiration, approach and value system of the ACA-Party in a continuously changing climate is to make use of ALL the available options to obtain constitutional freedom and political self determination for all South Africans, with a contented, free and independent South African nation. The approach of the ACA-Party is dynamic, co-operative and integrated, with a value system based on high, ethical religious norms.

CHANGE FOR THE GOOD.

The world keeps on changing, which makes it necessary for us to change in order for us to survive in our environment. It’s not too late change our course. We can still make a huge, huge difference.
As South Africans many of us need to change – change for the Better and the Good. Repent, because if you are moving in the wrong direction, you urgently need to make a 180° u-turn. Yes, together we can work towards a better future. Let’s all take hands and stand together as South African Christians. We’ll only be able to build a positive and better future for ourselves and our children, provided we can unite and stand together. The only way we can progress will be when we measure our progress by the Word and Will of God.

OUR VALUES

We are determined to never compromise on the Christian, moral values of the ACA-Party. The ACA – Party believes that all the people in South Africa can live life to the fullest, without any poverty and crime and with a good health system for everyone. We envisage free schooling for our children up to Grade 12 or to the age of 18 years. The family is the cornerstone of the nation. The ACA – Party will install more support systems to assist any family in need. In order for us to build a nation we are proud of we need every father, mother and child to believe in the future.
Marriage is a sacrament instituted by God, as a covenant relationship between a Man and a Woman. We oppose the demands and rights of homosexual and lesbian groups to recognise homosexual “marriages” and adoption of children. Christ Jesus died on the cross for forgiveness for all of us.

God is there for everyone.

You have a choice to decide whether you are ready to reach out to Him. Are you ready? Elderly people are a nation’s treasure. The ACA-Party will commit to increasing the monthly welfare amount for elderly people without an income.

June 15, 2014 at 14:37 Leave a comment

EFF 2014 Manifesto South Africa

Please click here to download the full version of the EFF_2014_Manifesto as pdf file.

 

Economic Freedom Fighters Founding Manifesto
Posted on November 5, 2013 by admin — No Comments ?

ECONOMIC FREEDOM FIGHTERS FOUNDING MANIFESTO: RADICAL MOVEMENT TOWARDS ECONOMIC FREEDOM IN OUR LIFETIME:

Adopted by the Economic Freedom Fighters National Assembly on What is to be Done: 26 to 27 July 2013.

“Each generation must, out of relative obscurity, discover its mission, fulfil it, or betray it”- Frantz Fanon

PREAMBLE:

1. Our decision is to fight for the economic emancipation of the people of South Africa, Africa and the world. Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) locate the struggle for economic emancipation within the long resistance of South Africans to racist colonial and imperialist, political, economic, and social domination. This glorious resistance started with the Khoi and San people rising against colonial domination, marked by the arrival of settler colonists in 1652 in the Cape. This basically represents more than 350 years of Africans’ resistance against colonial and economic domination and exploitation.

2. The EFF recognises that, despite temporary victories in this or that battle, Africans were defeated, humiliated, and enslaved by colonial settlers, thereby symbolising colonial victory over the indigenous people of the South African territory. The EFF draws inspiration from the gallant fight those who came before us have mounted, generation after generation, against the superior firepower of the colonists. The EFF intend to elevate this resistance to a decisive victory to vindicate the justness of the cause of liberation wars and to pay tribute to all those who perished fighting for the liberation of the African people and all the oppressed people of our land.

3. Those who fought the gallant wars of resistance did so to resist forced dispossession of land, wealth, livestock and heritage, which they had cherished and inherited from their forebears. More than 350 years later, the war of resistance has not been won, and the battles that were fought almost represent nothing, because 20 years after the attainment of formal political freedom, the black people of South Africa still live in absolute mass poverty, are landless, their children have no productive future, they are mistreated and they are looked down upon in a sea of wealth.

4. While relatively developed, South Africa like many other colonies is still trapped in the colonial division of labour as supplier of primary commodities to the coloniser nations. This colonial feature cannot and will never be broken by continued economic dominance of private corporations, particularly in the natural and mineral resources sector. Multinational and private ownership of South Africa’s commanding heights of the economy should be discontinued in order to stimulate State-led and aided industrial development.

5. Our indignation at the continued economic domination of the people of South Africa and the extreme exploitation of the black working class explains where we come from, where we are, what our mission is, what our character is, and what is to be done to emancipate the black people of South Africa, the working class in particular, from economic bondage. The solutions we provide represent a coherent ideological tradition and draw inspiration from developments around the world on what has been done to advance the development and betterment of people’s lives in the aftermath of the defeat of colonialism and against imperialism.

6. South Africa is rooted in the alliance between British and Afrikaner capital. From its inception, capitalism in South Africa was underlined by racism, segregation, and sexism. It discriminated and oppressed the black majority. It discriminated and oppressed women. South African capitalism continues to be characterised by the extreme exploitation of the black working class. In short, the black majority, whatever their class location, are integrated into the mainstream of the economy in a subservient position relative to white people. While the legalistic forms of colonial-apartheid domination have been eroded 20 years ago, the economic system that marginalised, oppressed and exploited the black majority is still intact, with a few individuals benefiting, but only because they have been co-opted to portray a wrong picture that all is and will be well in our country.

7. The EFF note and appreciate the role played by generations of political freedom fighters who sacrificed their lives, were imprisoned, exiled, banished and separated from their families in pursuit of freedom. The reality, nonetheless, is that the political freedom attained symbolically in 1994 through inclusive elections have not translated into economic freedom, which must empower and assist the oppressed and exploited people of South Africa to be liberated from economic and social bondage. This feature of South Africa justifies our struggle for economic freedom and is also directed at the emancipation of the African continent.

June 10, 2014 at 14:34 Leave a comment

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This blog is about countries of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) regarding societies, political parties and policies. Most interest will be spent on the countries: Botswana, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa and Zambia.

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